education. The gentleman lives in a State which has no State university in the accepted sense of the word, and no Commonwealth which borders on the Empire State has such a university. If he would only come to the Mississippi Valley and from the point of vantage of one of our modern air machines look out over that valley he could see the Universities of Wisconsin, Minnesota, Michigan, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and others down as far as the eye can reach to the Gulf and west to the Rocky Mountains. Those great institutions are rising as a result of our American ideas of educational opportunity. If he could see that governmental control had brought them all into line in the matter of free research, and that no State has interfered in any way with the independent activity of private institutions, well, I do not say he would not have written that letter, but I feel that after it had appeared in cold type he might perhaps have doubted the wisdom or validity of his argument.

Mr. FESS. I suggest that each member of the committee be free to interject any questions at any time.

The CHAIRMAN. I believe that is the course we have pursued.

Mr. Fess. It is understood, Mr. Chairman, that the papers will be made a part of the record.

The CHAIRMAN. All of those papers will be included in the record. Mr. TREADWAY. You dwelt quite a little, Mr. James, on the connection between the national university as responsive to public opinion and the demand of public opinion. Just what did you have in mind in that connection in reference to the course of study that would be followed in such cases?

Mr. JAMES. I had in mind more particularly the variety of educational opportunity. I think it is a significant fact that our State universities have looked more particularly to the needs, not so much to the desires, but the needs of the people and have endeavored to meet those needs as best they understood them. I can give you no better example, gentlemen, than the activities of our universities and agricultural colleges in connection with the needs of rural communities and the needs of the farmers themselves. It is a fact that we all recognize that the agricultural college frequently has offered something that the farmers have only slowly come to recognize and appreciate. Now, it is only in a public institution that that kind of thing is free and naturally obtained. Under any other kind of control opportunity is usually limited to the demand, but in a public institution the opportunity is proportioned to the needs.

Mr. POWERS. In what way and to what extent will this national university excel the various State universities and agricultural colleges throughout the country? In what lines and to what particular extent?

Mr. JAMES. As indicated in the bill, the national university will devote itself to furnishing the opportunity for graduate study. This is a type of teaching which is exceedingly expensive. It calls for a drgree of equipment and such a teaching force as puts the opportunity quite out of the reach of the ordinary institution. No State university, magnificently as they are supported, can in this country to-day develop an adequate graduate school. I will say further that no combination of State universities can do this, and by the same token no private institution can do this for the same It is a most expensive kind of education, and if it is to be

reason.

under public control, as it should be, it should be at one place, and the economy that would thereby result is to be measured as perhaps involving one-tenth or one-twentieth of what would be required under any other scheme or plan of foundation.

Mr. POWERS. As I understand it, this bill proposes that no one shall enter this national university unless he is a graduate of some State university?

Mr. JAMES. Oh, no.

Mr. POWERS. Well, not necessarily a State university.

Mr. JAMES. Of some recognized higher institution.

Mr. POWERS. Yes. I take it that the opposition to this bill will largely spring from the fact that the argument will be made that the State universities are quite sufficient as they are. Now, I would like to know what facts we can gather that will aid us along that line.

Mr. FESS. I would suggest that those questions will probably be answered by some of the numerous gentlemen who are to follow. Mr. POWERS. Very well.

The CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen, I now take pleasure in introducing to you Mr. James K. Patterson, of the State University at Lexington, Ky.

STATEMENT OF MR. JAMES K. PATTERSON, STATE UNIVERSITY, LEXINGTON, KY.

Mr. PATTERSON. Gentlemen of the committee of education. Dr. Edmund J. James, president of the State University of Illinois, writes me that he will be unable to be present in person and present to the committee reasons for the establishment of a national university. He requests me to go and represent the association of State universities before the committee. Inasmuch as it is doubtful whether I can comply with his request, I take the liberty of presenting briefly, in writing, an epitome of what he might say if present.

The founders of the Republic believed that permanent selfgovernment could be assured only by the education, broad, liberal, and thorough, of its citizens. All the indications pointed clearly in the direction of national liberality and national supervision for the attainment of this end.

They looked to an educational system which should not only enable the citizen to understand the principles which lie at the foundation of self-government, but which should enable him to develop to the utmost his mental and moral powers, to penetrate the secrets of nature, to discover her hidden laws and their processes, to control them and make them auxiliary to his comfort and wellbeing in multiplying the means of subsistence, in economizing labor, in eliminating and mitigating the ravages of disease, and in improving the means of transportation.

They recognized the truth that "the proper study of mankind is man," man in relation to himself, man in relation to the cosmic forces with which he is surrounded, man in relation to the great first cause of whom nature is but the visible manifestation.

Thus interpreting themselves and the institutions which they have founded, they, early in the history of the Republic, set apart public

lands for the maintenance of public schools and for the foundation of State universities. Later Congress set apart public lands for founding and endowing colleges for instruction in those sciences relating to agriculture and the mechanic arts, and later still, enlarged the revenues accruing from the sale of lands granted under the act of 1862 by supplementary grants of money under the Hatch Act, the Adams Act, the Morrill Act of 1890, and the Nelson Act of 1906. Around these institutions as a nucleus have grown up the great landgrant colleges and universities of to-day: Cornell, Pennsylvania State, the Universities of Ohio, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Illinois, Missouri, Michigan, Nebraska, and California-institutions which number their faculties by hundreds and their students by thousands, and with incomes, grounds, buildings, and equipments whose value is millions.

Though the several States in which these colleges and universities are established contribute largely and liberally from State funds to their maintenance, the fact remains that to the initiative of the National Government they owe their existence; that from the Congress of the United States they derived the impulse which put them in motion and the momentum which carries them forward.

There is, then, ample precedent in theory and in practice for the proposed founding and endowing of a national university under national supervision and control; an institution which in magnitude and compass should surpass all institutions on the continent, if not in the world. It would undertake to do no work of the undergraduate type, such as is done in the ordinary college or university. Its work should be exclusively that of investigation, experiment, research, and discovery, under the most advanced thinkers in science, literature, and arts; men who have become world renowned in investigation and discovery; men famous in science, theoretical and applied; men eminent in philosophy, who have sounded the depths of human consciousness in the true, the beautiful, and the good; men renowned in the philosophy of government, in political ethics, in the reciprocal obligations of right and of duty; the chemist, the biologist, and the physicist; the philologist, the ethnologist, and the archaeologist-every phase of human knowledge and of human

activity.

In the city of Washington the national university should be established. The Smithsonian Institution, the Astronomical Observatory, Coast, Marine, and Geodetic Surveys; the various scientific bureaus in connection with Government service; the ample laboratories and museums existing in connection with them; the societies-geographical, historical, sociological-existing independent of Government aid, could all be brought into alliance with, and made auxiliary to the work of investigation and research done in the university. Here should be coordinated all possible lines of human activity.

The proposed university, if established on a scale commensurate with the wealth, the intelligence, the influence, the dignity, and the prestige of the great Republic, would surpass any hitherto established in the Old World or in the New. It would surpass Cambridge, Oxford, the Sarbonne of France. the universities of Vienna and St. Petersburg. All of them, taken collectively, would be surpassed by such a university as is herein proposed. With the resources which it

should command every field of human investigation could be covered, every avenue of discovery followed up, every established fact coordinated with accepted, scientific truth. Every new discovery would enlarge the domain of the known, suggesting fresh advances into the realm of the unknown; translating forecasts into facts and hypotheses into laws, rigorously demonstrated and unhesitatingly accepted.

As auxiliaries in the work of the national university, the State universities could do essential service. In verifying results, in undertaking and carrying on collateral work on collateral lines, and from time to time comparing results, unnecessary delay could be avoided and assured results more speedily obtained. The variations of species under domestication, and the recent discoveries resulting in the artificial culture of bacilli, mitigating and eliminating the ravages of disease are illustrative of the work that may be done through suggestive initiative, on the one hand, and voluntary cooperation on the other. Diseases hitherto dreaded as scourges of the human race are by prophylactic treatment either eliminated or rendered comparatively innocuous. Witness vaccination by Jenne, tuberculosis by Koch, syphilis by Ehrlich, yellow fever by the noble martyr who immolated himself on the altar of humanity in order to test the efficiency of his discovery, hydrophobia by Pasteur, antiseptic surgery by Lister, each exercising his own particular demon and restoring the demoniac to sanity and to society.

Just think of a national university manned by such men as Newton and La Place, Herschel and Newcome, Adam Smith and Charles Darwin, Sir Charles Lyle and Matthew T. Maury, Flinders Petrie and Hilprecht; James Bryce; Lord Kelvin and Marconi; Edison and Bell; Abbott Lawell, Edmund J. James, W. O. Thompson, and Jacob Schurman; Oswald, Curie, Soddy, Rutherford, and Luther Burbank; Ramsay, Clerk-Maxwell, and William Benjamin Smith, the greatest all-around scholar in America. These are probabilities-not possibilities but probabilities.

But it may be said stupendous salaries only could secure the services of such men; true. But such men are each the creator of stupendous fortunes, through whose and kindred activities the wealth of the great Republic in life and property has quadrupled within half a century, and is growing yearly by leaps and bounds.

Such a glorious heritage and such splendid opportunities have never before fallen to the lot of humanity. No nation with so much realized and prospective wealth has ever existed. Powerful in peace and in war, practically dominating the western world, with a railway system equal to all the rest of the railway mileage in the world, reclaiming deserts, and tunnelling mountains. The nation which could carry through to successful completion such an unparalleled feat of engineering as the Panama Canal can do anything which is not impossible on a like magnificent scale. Let the Nation through its Representatives bring into being an institution whose product in educated men in every department of human research and achievement shall surpass in the no distant future all that has been accomplished in the past by "the dead but sceptered sovereigns who still rule our spirits from their urns," and by the great, the good, the wise of our own generation, who have carried forward the illuminating torch, and who will transmit to their successors the light of

science, of literature, of art to a still brighter and more glorious destiny. Whatever the unsolved mysteries of the hypothetical ether may be, and whether by any behavior of the recently discovered element, radium, the assumption of the transmutation of elements may become an established principle of science, we do not know. Certain it is that we are on the eve of great discoveries which may materially modify many of our hertofore cherished convictions, and the whole course of future existence on this planet. What vast opportunities then open up for a national university such as the Association of State Universities desire to have established.

Eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither hath it entered into the heart of man to conceive" the stupendous and far-reaching results which it may accomplish. The endowment of research and experiment and discovery by a great Nation on a scale commensurate with its wealth and dignity is surely an enterprise worthy of a great people, and should commend itself to every intelligent patriot who loves his country and who loves mankind.

We can picture to ourselves ere the close of the twentieth century a Nation of five hundred millions of people-Christian, peaceful, rich, and contented; with realized industrial wealth tenfold that of the present; with a predominant influence in the councils of the world; with a fiscal system light in its burdens, with income balancing expenditure and the incidence of taxation equitably adjusted; with laws just and justly administered, the rights and duties of citizenship clearly defined and recognized, life and property respected and secured, crime restrained and ignorance banished, pauperism nonexistent; the relations of capital and labor defined and maintained, and pervading all a deep sense of the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man.

We can fancy a university such as we have in mind to-night with endowments counted by millions and students by tens of thousands, recognized as the present and future factors in the creation of individual and State and National wealth and greatness. A venerable abode of scientific investigation and philosophical research pervaded by a deep sense of the relation of the known to the unknown, of the seen to the unseen. We can think of it as the depository of discovered truth to which pilgrims from every kindred and clime should come to enlarge the stores of knowledge, which they should then carry back for the enlightenment and betterment of their race and nation. May we not then realize the vision of the Hebrew prophet: "Who are these that fly as a cloud and as the doves to their windows? Their sons shall come from afar and their daughters shall be nursed by thy side," and "I will make the place of My feet glorious." [Applause.]

99.66

The CHAIRMAN. Doctor, I am very sorry indeed that your distinguished pupil, the Hon. Champ Clark, Speaker of the House of Representatives, was not present to-night to hear your magnificent address on this great question.

Dr. PATTERSON. Thank you.

The CHAIRMAN. I take pleasure in presenting to the committee Dr. Charles W. Dabney, president of the University of Cincinnati, formerly Assistant Secretary of Agriculture.