among others, the city of Augsburg was obliged to render to the Swedish crown, betrayed the conqueror, not the deliverer of the Empire; and that city soon became prouder of the title of a royal residence, than that of a free Imperial city. His open designs upon the electorate of Mentz, which he in the commencement intended to bestow on the heir apparent of Brandenburg, as a dower with his daughter Christina, and afterwards to his chancellor and favourite Oxenstern, unequivocally declared his intentions towards the Empire. The Protestant princes in alliance with him had claims to his gratitude, which could only be satisfied at the expense of the Catholic chapters; and perhaps a plan had already been formed to divide the conquered provinces, after the manner of the barbarian hordes who had overthrown the Roman empire, among the Swedes and Germans in the army. In his conduct towards the Elector Palatine Frederic, he had entirely belied the character of a hero, and the sacred duty of a protector; the Palatine was completely in his possession, and honour required him to restore this province which was rescued from the Spaniards. But by a subtlety unworthy of a great mind, and which disgraces the cha racter of a deliverer, he eluded this duty. He regarded the Palatinate as a conquest which he had made from the enemy, and thereby ima gined he was entitled to treat it at his pleasure; he therefore surren dered it as a favour, and not as a debt, to the Elector, and that as a fief of Sweden, under conditions which diminished its value by one half, and rendered that prince a despicable dependant. One of the conditions to which he made the Elector subscribe was, "That after the war he should, like the other princes, contribute to maintain a part of the Swedish army." This lets us immediately conceive the fate which awaited Germany from the continuance of the King's success ; a sudden death secured the Empire in its liberties, and saved his own reputation if he was not disposed to suffer the mortification of seeing his allies in arms against him, and losing all the fruits of his victories in a disadvantageous peace. Saxony seemed already disposed to for sake him; Denmark beheld his progress with jealousy; even France, the most potent of his allies, was alarmed at his growing greatness; and at the time when he passed the Lech, looked around for other powers by whose assistance his progress might be checked, and the balance of power maintained in Europe.'

After having related the assassination of Wallenstein, (see our Rev. for October already quoted,) the author proceeds:

Thus did Wallenstein, at the age of fifty years, terminate his active and extraordinary life. Led away by ambition and the love of fame, he was still, with all his failings, an admirable and inimitable character, had he contained himself within bounds. The virtues of the ruler and the hero, prudence, justice, firmness, and courage, are the striking features of his character; but he wanted the softer virtues of humanity, which adorn the hero, and procure the ruler the esteem of mankind. Terror was the talisman with which he worked: excessive in his punishments as well as in his rewards, he knew how to keep the zeal of his followers continually expanded, and no general of ancient or modern times could boast of being obeyed with equal ala. REV. DEC. 1800.

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crity: obedience was of more real service to him than the soldier's courage, because he acted through its means. He kept his troops in practice by capricious orders, and rewarded a readiness to obey him, even in small matters, with profusion; he at one time issued an order that none but red sashes should be worn in the army. A captain of horse no sooner heard the order than he trampled his gold embroidered sash under foot; Wallenstein, on being informed of this circumstance, promoted him to the rank of colonel upon the spot. With all this appearance of caprice, he did not lose sight of the main object. The robberies of the troops in their friends' country had occasioned the severest orders against stragglers; and those who were detected in a theft were threatened to be punished with the halter. It happened that Wallenstein himself met a soldier, whom he commanded, without trial, to be taken up as a transgressor, and with his usual stern order of " Hang the fellow," condemned him to the gallows; the soldier pleaded innocence, but the decisive sentence was pronounced. Hang, then, innocent," cried Wallenstein; "the guilty will tremble with more certainty." Preparations were already making to execute the sentence, when the soldier, who gave himself up for lost, formed the desperate resolution of not dying without revenge. He furiously fell upon his judge, but was soon disarmed by numbers before he could execute his design. "Now let him go," cried Wallenstein; "he will excite sufficient terror."

His munificence was supported by an immense income, which was valued at three millions annually, without reckoning the immoderate sums which he raised by contributions. His freedom of thinking and clearness of understanding placed him above the religious prejudices of his age, and the Jesuits could never forgive him for having seen through their system, and beheld nothing in the Pope but a Roman bishop.

But as, since Samuel the prophet's days, no one came to a fortunate end who quarrelled with the church, Wallenstein also augmented its victims. Through monkish intrigues he lost at Ratisbon the command of the army, and at Egra his life; by the same acts he perhaps lost what is more, his honest reputation and his fame with posterity. For it must be candidly acknowledged that we have the history of this extraordinary man delivered to us by no means through impartial hands; and that Wallenstein's treason, and his designs upon the crown of Bohemia, rest less upon any positive proof than upon appearances of probability. We have not yet discovered the documents which might display the secret springs of his conduct with historic truth; and among all the actions ascribed to him openly, there is not one which could not proceed from an innosent source. Many of his most obnoxious measures showed an inelination for peace; others were to be excused by his just suspicion of the Emperor, and the blameless desire of maintaining his authority. It is true that his conduct towards the Elector of Bavara bears the appearance of an ignoble revenge and implacable spirit; bat none of his actions clearly convince us of his treason.

*Florine, no doubt. Trans.'

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sity and despair at length drove him to merit the sentence which had fallen upon him when innocent, such a sentence cannot altogether be justified; it was his ruin that caused his rebellion, not rebellion his ruin. Unfortunate while living, he made a victorious party his enemy; equally so at his death, since the same party survived him, and wrote his history.'

We owe apologies to the celebrated German author, for exhi biting him at such length to our readers through the guise of the present translation; which neither conveys an adequate idea of the original work, nor presents even correct English composition. Schiller's reputation, however, will not suffer by a conduct which we have been induced to adopt, contrary to our first intentions, by the uncommon interest of the subject, and its relation to our own awful and eventful times.-We can. not help stating it as our opinion, that a well executed translation of this history would be favorably received by the British public.

ART. XII. Strictures on the Asiatic Establishments of Great Britain; with a View to an Enquiry into the true Interests of the East. India Company; comprehending the Rise and Progress of our Settlements in India, the Claim of individual Traders to a Participation of our Eastern Commerce, with an Elucidation of the Means by which those Claims may be made compatible with National Prosperity, and the Welfare of the Company; with a Chart, &c. By William Playfair, Author of the Political and Commercial Atlas, &c. 4to. pp. 222. 12s. Boards. Carpenter

and Co. 1799.

T

HE intelligent author of this publication announces the necessity of considerable alterations in the mercantile system, which for so long a period has regulated the intercourse of this country with its eastern dependencies: he urges the propriety of imposing very important restrictions on the exclusive privileges hitherto enjoyed by the East India Company; and he contends for the propriety of admitting private merchants to a participation of the profits arising from this lucrative traffic.

In every alteration connected with India, it naturally strikes us that the manner in which it will affect the natives is the first and primary consideration: not only from motives of justice but from considerations of policy. The Indian jurisdiction is founded on opinion; the rulers bear no proportion to the subjects; and a conviction of the utility of submission is our only security for possession, and we may add our only just claim to it. In these ideas, we have the misfortune to differ from Mr. Playfair, who thinks that it were a vain, a false, and a flimsy assertion, to say, that in that government the

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happiness of the inhabitants is the primary object;' and who maintains that, if the territorial possessions were separated from this country, we should incur no greater loss than 144,000l. per annum, under the present mode of management. It is not our business to refute this singular proposition: we shall content ourselves with remarking that it is founded on the assumption, that the trade would subsist to an equal extent without the territory; and that it would be capable of being conducted otherwise than by exportation of specie. How far either of these suppositions is probable, we leave those to decide whose knowlege of India is derived from a personal residence. Innovation, however, is never to be recommended for its own sake; and the present Directors of the East India Company, by their extensive foresight, rigid economy, and prudent management, have generally obtained the highest and the most deserved encomiums. Whence then arises the necessity for the changes so warmly urged? In viewing the laws and regulations (says Mr. P.) which regard the general monopoly and private trade, we find the latter under many unnecessary and improper trammels, and that foreigners have a preference that will in the end prove very destructive to this country.' The Company's exclusive privileges are, of necessity, binding only on his Majesty's subjects: but, in determining the injury sustained by the public in consequence of their exclusion, it were well to consider whether the advantages accruing to foreigners from this circumstance, are not unavoidably limited to a certain and that no very considerable amount; and whether it be susceptible of great and indefinite extension.

The real cause of jealousy (Mr. Play fair observes) originates in this, that as the greater part of the investments made in India are done with money that Europeans have gained there, and wish to remit home; and as the Company, adding a little of Asiatic despotism to the spirit of European monopoly, will not give bills on this country, either on advantageous terms or at convenient dates; Europeans, whether the servants of the Company or not, try to procure more favourable terms by other channels. From this circumstance, and the laws existing, it happens that a foreign house (a Dane or Swede) may trade to India with very little advance of capital.'

If this be the sole grievance, it is manifestly confined to a portion of the superfluous capital of Europeans resident in that country; limited in its amount, and capable of being remedied by the simple expedient of the Company granting bills on more favourable terms. This, however, is not the light in which the subject is viewed by Mr. Playfair.

The commerce between Great Britain and Asia may be augmented ad infinitum, and it is only to be confined by impolitic regu

lations,

lations, and particularly, impolitic prohibitions. It is entirely the fault of the legislature, and not any want of enterprize in the people, that our trade with the East has not by this time been more than doubled; for it is certain that the inhabitants of that part of the world would be inclined to deal largely in the produce and manufactures of Great Britain, and where cash is wanting they have abundance of valuable staples to barter for our commoditics*. If the mercantile genius of the nation had full scope, what commerce might not be carried on in the exports of slight woollens, hardware, guns, especially those of a small calibre, muskets, military stores,.and ammunition.'

Those who are in the least conversant with the customs of the Orientals (and with them customs are immutable) know the impossibility of trading with them to any extent in woollens or hard ware. With regard to the implements of destruction, we must confess that we entertain very serious doubts how far it is consistent with morality, and with the religion which we profess, to supply innocent and distant nations with such pernicious inventions. We are not more satisfied that good policy would sanction the measure.

To conclude, Mr. Playfair proposes to invest the revenues of Bengal in the unmanufactured produce of that country, and to transport it to England. Has Mr. P. calculated how long that revenue is likely to endure, when the numberless persons, now employed in manufacturing the produce of their own fields, are stripped of the means of subsistence ?-We hope, however, that this consideration will engage the attention of his Majesty's ministers; that it will be remembered that the productions of Bengal are paid by its own revenue, and brought to this country; that, in addition to this loss, a constant drain of specie flows to the coast, to Bombay, and to China; that the welfare of our settlements is now supported solely by the strict administration of justice, and the security of private property; and that, whenever shoals of needy adventurers from Europe are permitted to settle in the interior, in order to cultivate sugar and indigo, the comfort of the innocent natives is at an end, their respect for the British character is gone, and our Indian dominion verges to its dissolution.

* We think that the converse of the above proposition is ascertained: but let us examine the articles proposed to be furnished from this country.