brutal politics of the male sex be discussed, without reference to Her August example.

At the same time I beg to make a diplomatic reservation on the subject of Her Majesty's grace and beauty, until the evidence becomes a little less contradictory. Judging from the pictures which I have seen, Her Majesty has presented a different angle of enchantment to each kodak fiend who has had the privilege of approaching Her August presence sufficiently near to press the winsome button. [Laughter and applause.] Some of her portraits represent Her Majesty as broad and hazy, others again show her to be willowy, not to say wiry, in extent. However, there is one thing sure, and that is that her affection for reformers of every kind seems to have been kept strictly within the limits of propriety. [Laughter.] In fact, it does not seem to differ greatly from the feelings of the average city boss. As municipal reformers we may well allow our imaginations to fondly play with the idea that some gladsome goddess like Her delectable Majesty may perhaps some day, under the dispensation of equal rights for women, enter Tammany Hall. [Applause.] By virtue of her genius for reform and management she would inevitably become the boss of the entire establishment, and it hardly seems too much to hope that she might then extend her tender but drastic measures to all the rest of the outfit, and perhaps to both machines of the city. [Applause.]

But, I forget that I have changed my mind on the subject of my speech and intend to speak to you on the "International Aspect of Municipal Reform." For, ladies and gentlemen, there is an international aspect of the serious and important cause which has brought us together here. If there is one feature of the policy of the last few years in this country upon which even those who disagree upon its other features may cordially unite in approval, it is this, that we have lost the old feeling that we cared little or nothing for the opinion of the rest of the world-that feeling which found its classical expression in the debate on Inflation twenty-eight years ago, when I think a statesman from Indiana or Illinois made the celebrated remark, “What do we care for Yurrup anyway?" [Laughter.] This state of mind has, fortunately, given way to a sober feeling of regard for the best opinion of the rest of mankind. America has asserted herself as a member of the family of nations in a more direct and important way than ever before.

It was my privilege to be present at a time when perhaps this fact was more directly manifested than at any other. I mean during the great Peace Conference at The Hague, and there was just one fact which was continually impressed upon every representative of this country there, and upon every casual observer who took the trouble to get the opinion of the rest of the world as it was there represented, and that is, that the consideration of our city governments represents the lowest point in the respect of the rest of the world for the United States of America. The agreement is almost universal that democracy and popular government have come nearest to failure on this one subject.

I agree with my learned friend, Professor Goodnow, that our municipal governments are not by any means as bad as we sometimes think in our moments of depression, but it must be admitted that the rest of the world sees only its worst features, and we in this League and all of you ladies and gentlemen whose sympathy and co-operation with this League constitutes its greatest reason for encouragement, may be sure that we are, all of us, working for the good name of our common country more directly and efficiently than in any other way when we help to elevate the standard of its municipal government.

There is still another point where the international relations of the United States are affected by our municipal reform. Our cities are not only great aggregations of population, but, as we all know, they bring together the most heterogeneous elements. It is in our cities and with the local organizations of political parties in them that the class representing particular nationalities finds it easiest to start agitations affecting our foreign policy in a manner which is certainly not to the advantage of the country as a whole. It is in our municipal politics that the Clan-na-Gael and societies of other particular nationalities—I don't wish to mention them here particularly, and I name one only as a type-are formed for the purpose, among others, of influencing the foreign policy of the United States in favor, not of the broad and wide interests of the whole people, but of the rancor, the revenge and the hatred of some elements of our population. It is not in the country or in villages, but in the most densely populated wards of our cities, that the Mafia, the evil anarchistic conspiracies, and similar dangers, not only to our national, but also to our international life have their origin and their place of activity. In these respects and in many others our city life and the reform of its administration touch upon our international relations directly and indirectly, and as our international intercourse is becoming admittedly more and more important and will become so from day to day, and we, who are interested in municipal reform also feel that, as I have said before, we are helping along the best national and international interests of our country directly and efficiently by our particular work. And what is there for us to do? What moral is to be drawn from it all? As the other speakers have said, much better than I can express it, it is continued energy, and, above all, patience. Gratitude for the results accomplished—patience with the slowness and the length of time which is necessary to mature what must after all be a gradual growth, rather than the result of sudden impulses.

Now, ladies and gentlemen, this League and its friends have shown in their whole career that they possess the necessary energy, and, Mr. Toastmaster, ladies and gentlemen, this brilliant and distinguished audience has certainly shown that it possesses the necessary patience, for you have listened most kindly to the whole of my speech. I thank you most sincerely. [Applause.]

TOASTMASTER: On behalf of my friends, ladies and gentlemen, I bid you all good-night.

Adjourned.