lem of state rights and secession. Certainly if we have shown capability in that way, we shall be able to develop a satisfactory system of municipal government, and I entertain the hope, though perhaps it is presumptuous, that when that plan of municipal government shall have been developed, it will have incorporated in it at any rate some of the principles which are laid down in our Municipal Program. [Applause.]

THE TOASTMASTER: I take malicious pleasure in exercising for a brief time the powers of an irresponsible boss, as far as the audience is concerned, and in reference to placing our eloquent fellow-townsman on the program. I assured him in the beginning of our proceedings that I should afford him ample opportunity to arouse enthusiasm. I have therefore given him the advantage of hearing all that has been said at this banquet in regard to model charters. I have great pleasure in giving Captain Bean the opportunity of saying whether Wisconsin cities shall lead or follow in the new ideas and in their development and application. [Applause.]

CAPTAIN BEAN. Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: I attended a reception last evening given by some appreciative and hospitable ladies to the strangers within our gates who represent the National Municipal League. The best society of our city was present in overflowing numbers, and some brilliant speeches were made by several of the guests in whose honor the reception was given. The first spaker demonstrated with most persuasive eloquence that it was entirely proper that ladies should lend their aid in establishing the reforms so dear to the heart of the National Municipal League-not only would it be proper, but that their co-operation was really essential in the great work. The speech was an admirable one, and at its close I was fully satisfied that the argument made by the gifted speaker was unanswerable. I was convinced. Now, as there was no program I was curious to know what topic the second speaker would discuss, and to my delight I found that he alertly entered upon the same subject. I should say that the second speaker was a younger man than his predecessor, and it was quite apparent that he did not propose to be outdone in gallantry. His speech was clear and cogent, and he showed that ladies should not only be permitted to take part in the work of reforming city governments, but it was their duty to do so. This speech also was brilliant and interesting, and for a second time, Mr. President, I was convinced. The truth is that my own predilections on the subject harmonized with the arguments of the speakers, and you know one likes to be convinced of what he already believes.

The third speaker was a gentleman of national renown and given to the discussion of weighty subjects of state, and I naturally supposed that he would entertain us with an eloquent review of some one of them. But I was again to be delighted, for this gentleman proved to be not only an eloquent speaker, but his gallantry to the fair sex was fully equal to, if it did not exceed, that of the two speakers who had preceded him. He not only approved of the positions taken by the other speakers, but he went

much farther and declared that the right of suffrage should be accorded to all women. This sentiment was smartly applauded, and for a third time I was impressed if not convinced. This part of the delightful séance closed by the appearance on the stage of a member of the sex that had been so much under discussion during the evening. This lady was politely and properly introduced as an “Honorable” by the presiding officer, and we were told that she was a member of the Colorado Legislature. She proved to be an interesting talker, and told us all about how things political and legislative were done in her state. I inferred from her remarks that in that part of the country it was never a question of "co-operation" on the part of the ladies, for out there they are rather more than helpers, if they are not the "whole thing.” I am happy to be able to announce that this lady is a candidate for the senate in her state and to unhesitatingly declare that if I were a citizen of Colorado I would vote for her.

Now, Mr. President, I know that you will sympathize with me in my regret that the toast assigned to me this evening is not "The Ladies," for, as I have explained to you, I have copious data upon that subject, and if my response were not interesting it might easily be voluminous.

But the task set apart for me is not as pleasant a one and I am asked to tell you whether or not Wisconsin shall lead or follow in municipal reform. I wish indeed that I might say to you confidently that it would lead, for I have pride in the state that has always been my home, and that she should take a foremost rank in any project tending to purer morals and better laws would justify and increase that pride. If every one of her growing and prosperous cities were governed intelligently and justly, so that of all the cities in the republic those of Wisconsin should stand in the front rank unequaled for wise laws fearlessly administered, there is not an honest, self-respecting citizen wtihin her borders who would not be glad that his lines had fallen in such pleasant places. That such enviable prominence is to be hers who can say? Our old friend, Hosea Bigelow's maxim, "Don't never prophesy unless ye know," was at least a safe one; but I will, nevertheless, venture to predict that the field will be a fair one, and that when the people of our cities are once fully apprised of the clear advantages of the new methods and aroused to the danger of continuing in the use of the old, all will go well. It is to apprise and arouse that these gentlemen, eminent for their learning and high character, are with us, and surely we should not be slow in welcoming the new dispensation they bring, nor in giving them our cordial support. We all know that greed of money, power and place are foes of good government. But ignorance and indifference make up the main body of the army. Whether the proposed reform, as set forth in the model charter, is to be established in this state, or in any state, depends not alone upon the zeal with which it is promulgated, but also upon the disposition of the people to better their own condition. The optimist is always confident that any method of work proven to be essentially bad will easily be superseded by one essentially good; but the stubborn fact remains that civilization is a sadly slow

process, and from sheer inertness the average citizen will wallow in the mire of ancient laws and institutions, however cumbersome they may be or however inviting to fraud, rather than struggle for the spot where the ground will be firm beneath his feet and where he can fight for righteousness. It is not fair to sully the good word "conservatism" by applying it to such behavior-not conservatism, but cowardice-a kind of lazy inclination to let well enough alone, however bad that well enough may be, rather than venture on new ground, simply because it is untrodden. As an instance of the fondness for the antique in legislation I may mention the fact that the laws of the state of Connecticut providing for representation in their state legislature have not been changed since 1830,, and that a township of five hundred people has as many members in that honorable body as the cities of Hartford or New Haven. Walpole said every man has his price, and what could be clearer than the fewer the men to buy the better for the pocketbook of the buyer; and it is perhaps for this reason that both the buyers and their beneficiaries in Connecticut will have none of your reforms. And this, perhaps, in a less degree than in the case cited you shall find everywhere, if not a positive distrust of new methods, such as are proposed by this Association, an indifference as to whether they be adopted or not. The theory here in this free land is that every man is a sovereign; but while we, each and all, proudly accept the sovereignty, we calmly ignore the obligations attached to our rank. I am in nowise an alarmist, and am infinitely proud of the greatness and glory of my country; but unless there shall come an awakening among her intelligent sons, enabling them to see clearly, and, seeing, perform their political duties with the same alacrity that they perform the other duties of life, our greatness will shrivel and our glory grow dim. There is never a lack of co-operation among the baser elements in society and of men who make of politics a profession for what, according to their suggestive phrase, "there is in it." When the bugle calls, not a "brave" nor a "plug ugly" is missing from his place in the ranks. We were long since warned that when bad men combine, good men must associate. Unfortunately, there seems to be greater powers of attraction and cohesion among the sordid scoundrels who prey upon the vitals of the state than among those who, sincerely desiring that better methods should prevail, do nothing to obtain them. It is not my contention that every citizen should become a politician, even if by so doing he could redeem that word from the odious signification it has acquired; but I do contend that every citizen should display an active and energetic interest in the laws that govern him. It will not do to give a languorous approval to a movement designed to lessen political evils or shackle political knaves, nor to nod encouragement to the braver spirits who are working in the cold and rain. Go work in the cold and rain yourself, or abdicate your sovereignty. When war is declared and armies are raised, the volunteers come not alone from the lower stratum of society. The educated and high born bravely tender their services to their country in her hour of need. Why should they not with equal alacrity lend their aid in the civic contests that are continually being waged? If this class of people will fight the common enemy on the

field of battle, why should they hesitate to grapple with the knaves who would loot our treasuries or, for that matter, assassinate our public credit? I have long been convinced that bad laws, or at least the lack of good ones, is owing not more to the activities of the baser elements of society than to the apathy and indifference of the better element. Now, if we are to assume that the activites on the one hand and the apathy on the other are to be permanent conditions, the days that are to come will be full enough of gloom and the world will be the worse off, in that the experiment of freedom has failed. But let the actively bad be met by the actively good and all will be well, for, happily the number of persons of evil intent whose interests are promoted by bad rather than good government is far less in any community than is the number of those whose sole and strong desire is for good laws well and fearlessly administered. Organization should be the watchword, and it should be effected among all classes of our people of whatever vocation or station in life. It is the purpose of the National Municipal League to do just this thing—to awaken the too dormant public to the necessity of improving the government of our cities. In the largest ones the government is appallingly corrupt, so corrupt that it is almost an impeachment of our boasted free institutions, so corrupt that the very thug who carries away his share of the plunder blushes at the ease with which it was obtained.

The gentlemen who organized this Association have for years been devoting their time and labor in an effort to reform our municipal government, and to this end have devised what is known as the model charter, which they would like to see supersede existing charters. It would be unprofitable to discuss whether this charter is in every particular “model,” but that it amends and cures many of the glaring defects in the charters under which our cities are now governed, there can be no question. But it is not only good in itself, it is good in that it is an objective point on which the attention and energy of the people can be centred. There must be a "model charter," or something equivalent to it—a rallying point for the forces, a bull's eye at which to aim, but there must be something more. However fine the weapon, however perfect the projectile, there must be a man behind the gun. The charter gives the mechanism, the people of our state must add the energy and enthusiasm that will make it go. And they must not be deterred by criticism.

However much the politician may sneer, however free he may be with his epithets of "extreme," "impracticable," "visionary," "fool reformer," they who are fighting against fraud in high places and low, against loose methods of business that are sapping the moral strength and weakening the moral fibre of the nation, are the ones to whom we must look for the nation's salvation. Let us, the citizens of Wisconsin, with whom it rests to make her lead or follow, not those of us alone who are hostile to reform, but those who are indifferent, ask ourselves this question: Shall we run the old evil race, the end of which is ruin, or shall we take our stand on that side on Which God and God's justice is and which, though often defeated, is never cast down? I know the conflicting motives which draw

men here and there. I recognize the contest between the demands of a conservative patriotism and radical reform. I feel how difficult it is to hit the happy medium of perfect wisdom. But if we must err at all, if we must lean too much on the one side or the other, let us err on virtue's side. Let us be able at the last to vindicate ourselves as did Edmund Burke before the electors of Bristol, when he said: "The charges against me have been all of one kind, that I have pushed the general principles of justice too far, farther than a cautious policy would warrant, and farther than the opinion of many would go along with me. In every accident which may happen through life, in pain, in sorrow, in depression and distress, I will call to mind this accusation and be comforted."

THE TOASTMASTER: Inasmuch as Professor Zeublin received a dispatch just before the banquet, calling him away, the last speaker of the evening, whose speeches on previous occasions in Milwaukee have been so delightful, and whom it is really unnecessary for me to introduce to you, will be Mr. Frederick W. Holls, who will address you, not upon "Woman and Municipal Reform," but upon a different topic.

MR. HOLLS: I had fondly indulged the hope that the lateness of the hour and the obvious fact that each one of the preceding speakers has said several good things, which I ought to have said myself, would have induced the honorable toastmaster to excuse me, together with the other gentleman of whom he has just spoken; but, as this seems to be out of the question, I wish first to explain that my reluctance to answer to the toast: "Woman and Municipal Reform," and my request that another subject, "The International Aspect of Municipal Reform," should be substituted, was most decidedly not based upon any disapproval of or hostility to either of the subjects named in the toast originally assigned to me. I am aware that we are in the midst of a Presidential campaign, and I know that a party is sometimes held responsible for the utterances even of its most insignificant members, but with a boldness bordering upon rashness I frankly and straightforwardly declare that I do approve of both woman and municipal reform-be the consequences what they may. [Applause and laughter.] While I prefer them separately, I even approve of the mixture provided it is well seasoned and not offered in cloying doses. Furthermore, I have not preferred the toast on the "International Aspect of Municipal Reform" because I thought thus to exclude the feminine element. I am fully aware, as are you all, that the ennobling, elevating and sweetening power of woman in public life has for years and most recently been illustrated by the career of a venerable lady, whose name is a household word in her own world-wide empire, as well as among other nations of the earth. It is needless to say that I refer to Her Most Gracious Majesty, the Empress Dowager of China. [Laughter and applause.] At this late hour I hope you will excuse me from pronouncing that household word. [Laughter.]

Never again can the cause of woman's suffrage or woman's rights or of the inspiring influence of feminine grace and beauty upon the coarse and