He was indeed a very

Greg. Ah! he was a great man. great man, who, upon that subject, was a man that--but, to return to our reasoning. I hold that this impediment of the action of the tongue is caused by certain humors, which our great physician calls-humors-humors-ah ! you understand Latin—

Sir J. Not in the least.

Greg. What! not understand Latin?
Sir J. No, indeed, doctor.

Greg. Cabricius arci Thurum Cathalimus, Singulariter Hæc musa, hic, hæc, hoc, Genitivo hujus, hunc,` hanc, Musæ, Bonus, bona, bonum.

non.

Sir J. Ah! why did I neglect my studies?

Jam. What a prodigious man is this!

Greg. Besides, sir, certain spirits, passing from the left side, which is the seat of the liver, to the right, which is the seat of the heart, we find the lungs, which we call in Latin, Whiskerus, having communication with the brain, which we name in Greek, Jack bootos, by means of a hollow vein, which we call in Hebrew, Periwiggus, meet in the road with the said spirits, which fill the venticles of the Omotaplasmus, and because the said humors have a certain malignity-listen seriously, I beg you

Sir J. I do.

Greg. Have a certain malignity, that is caused-be attentive, if you please

Sir J. I am.

Greg. That is caused, I say, by the acrimony of the humors, engendered in the concavity of the diaphragm; thence it arises, that these vapors, Propriaque maribus tribuunter, mascula dicas, Ut sunt divorum. This, sir, is the cause of your daughter's being dumb.

Jam. O that I had but his tongue!

Sir J. It is impossible to reason better, no doubt. But, dear sir, there is one thing. I always thought till now, that the heart was on the left side, and the liver on the right.

Greg. Ay, sir, so they were formerly, but we have changed all that. The college, at present, sir, proceeds upon an entire new method.

Sir J. I ask your pardon, sir.

Greg. Oh, sir, there's no harm. You're not obliged to know so much as we do.

Sir J. Very true; but, doctor, what would you have done with my daughter?

Greg. What would I have done with her? Why, my advice is, that you immediately put her into a bed, warmed with a brass warming-pan. Cause her to drink one quart of spring water, mixed with one pint of brandy, six Seville oranges, aud three ounces of the best double refined sugar. Sir J. Why, this is punch, doctor.

Greg. Punch, sir! Ay, sir; and what's better than punch, to make people talk? Never tell me of your juleps, your gruels-your-your-this, and that, and t'other, which are only arts to keep a patient in hand a long time. I love to do a business all at once.

Sir J. Doctor, I ask pardon, you shall be obeyed. (Gives money.)

Greg. But hold! Sir Jasper, let me tell you, it were not amiss if you yourself took a little lenitive physic. I shall prepare something for you.

Sir J. Ha! ha! ha! No, no, doctor. I have escaped both doctors and distempers hitherto, and I am resolved the distemper shall pay me the first visit.

Greg. Say you so, sir? Why, then, if I can get no more patients here, I must even seek 'em elsewhere; and so humbly beggo te Domine Domitii veniam goundi foras. (Exit.)

Sir J. Well, this is a physician of vast capacity, but of exceeding odd humors. He, no doubt, understands himself, however, and I have great faith in his prescription. (Exeunt.)

FROM FIELDING.

XXXIV.-REMOVAL OF TROOPS FROM BOSTON.

THE EARL of CHATHAM, (Wm. Pitt, the elder,) was a warm and influential friend of America, during the Revolutionary war. His speeches are among the richest specimens of eloquence in any language. For some of these, see McGuffey's New Sixth Eclectic Reader.

If it should be desired to make the following somewhat shorter, it may appropriately end with the sixth paragraph.

I RISE with astonishment, to see these papers brought to your table, at so late a period of this business. Papers, to tell us what? Why, what all the world knew before. That the Americans, irritated by repeated injuries, and stripped of their inborn rights and dearest privileges, have resisted, and entered into associations for the preservation of their common liberties.

at

Had the early situation of the people of Boston been attended to, things would not have come to this. But the infant complaints of Boston were literally treated like the capricious squalls of a child, who, it was said, did not know whether it was aggrieved or not. But full well I knew, that time, that this child, if not redressed, would soon assume the courage and voice of a man. Full well I knew, that the sons of ancestors, born under the same free constitution, and once breathing the same liberal air as Englishmen, would resist upon the same principles, and on the same occasions.

What has government done? They have sent an armed force, consisting of seventeen thousand men, to dragoon the Bostonians into what is called their duty. So far from once turning their eyes to the policy and destructive consequence of this scheme, they are constantly sending out more troops. And we are told in the language of menace, that, if seventeen thousand men wont do, fifty thousand shall.

It is true, my lords, with this force they may ravage the country. They may waste and destroy as they march. But, in the progress of fifteen hundred miles, can they

.

occupy the places they have passed? Will not a country, which can produce three millions of people, wronged and insulted as they are, start up like hydras in every corner, and gather fresh strength from fresh opposition? Nay, what dependence can you have upon the soldiery, the unhappy engines of your wrath? They are Englishmen, who must feel for the privileges of Englishmen. Do you think that these men can turn their arms against their brethren? Surely not. A victory must be to them a defeat; and car

nage, a sacrifice.

But it is not merely the three millions of America, we have to contend with in this unnatural struggle; many more are on their side, dispersed over the face of this wide empire. Every whig in this country and in Ireland is with them. Who, then, let me demand, has given, and continues to give, this strange and unconstitutional advice?

I do not mean to level at any one man, or any particular set of men; but thus much I will venture to declare, that, if his majesty continues to hear such counselors, he will not only be badly advised, but undone. He may continue indeed to wear his crown: but it will not be worth his wearing. Robbed of so principal a jewel as America, it will lose its luster, and no longer beam that effulgence which should irradiate the brow of majesty.

In this alarming crisis, I come, with this paper in my hand, to offer you the best of my experience and advice. That is, that an humble petition be presented to his majesty, beseeching him, that in order to open the way toward a happy settlement of the dangerous troubles in America, it may graciously please him, that immediate orders be given. to General Gage to remove his majesty's forces from the town of Boston.

And this, my lords, upon the most mature and deliberate grounds, is the best advice I can give you, at this juncture. Such conduct will convince America that you mean to try her cause in the spirit of freedom and inquiry, and not in letters of blood. There is no time to be lost. Every hour is big with danger. Perhaps, while I am now. speaking, the decisive blow is struck, which may involve. NEW EC. S.-9

millions in the consequence. And, believe me, the very first drop of blood which is shed, will cause a wound which may never be healed. FROM CHATHAM.

XXXV. THE STAMP ACT.

A CHARGE is brought against gentlemen sitting in this House of giving birth to sedition in America. Several have spoken their sentiments with freedom against this unhappy act, and that freedom has become their crime. Sorry I am to hear the liberty of speech in this House imputed as a crime. But the imputation shall not discourage me. The gentleman tells us, America is obstinate; America is almost in open rebellion. I rejoice that America has resisted. Three millions of people, so dead to all the feelings of liberty as voluntarily to let themselves be made slaves, would have been fit instruments to make slaves of all the rest. I would not debate a particular point of law with the gentleman. I know his abilities. But, for the defense of liberty, upon a general principle, upon a constitutional principle, it is a ground on which I stand firm, on which I dare meet any man.

The gentleman boasts of his bounties to America. Are not those bounties intended finally for the benefit of this kingdom? If they are not, he has misapplied the national treasures. He asks, When were the Colonies emancipated? I desire to know when they were made slaves! But 1 dwell not upon words. I will be bold to affirm, that the profits of Great Britain from the trade of the Colonies, through all its branches, are two millions a year. This is the fund that carried you triumphantly through the last war. This is the price America pays for her protection. And shall a miserable financier come, with a boast that he can fetch a pepper-corn into the exchequer, by the loss of millions to the nation?

A great deal has been said, without doors, of the power, of the strength, of America. It is a topic that ought to

In a good cause, the force

be cautiously meddled with. of this country can crush America to atoms. I know the