result of economic forces which have brought about the imperialistic en which we live, and of the general reactionary trend which is one of the essential characteristics of this era. Modern imperialism is a worldphenomenon, although it may be more pronounced in one country tha another. Similarly, the reactionary trend which accompanies it is as bra as our "civilization," for the time being, although in some countries it assume more obnoxious forms than in some others. The only hope of d racy, therefore, lies in those revolutionary elements of each country are ready to fight imperialism in all its manifestations and wherever fe The entry of the United States into this world-wide war does not in way change the situation. On the contrary, it proves conclusively that capitalist government, whether monarchial or republican in form, can depended upon to fight for democracy, or, indeed, for anything but s capitalist interests.

When the great war opened with one of the most lawless and ruthless in history, the invasion of Belgiunt by Germany, an act not merely able in itself, but striking at the very roof of those international arrangere for which we have contended so long and which must lie at the foundation any international order that will put an end to all wars-the president emnly enjoined upon the people of this country the duty of remaining net not only in deed, but also in thought. By that declaration President W officially and authoritatively announced to the people of this country as as to the world at large, that the existence of international law, the dictate of humanity, the fate of small peoples, and of democratic institutions, we matters that do not concern "us."

The war of the United States against Germany can not be justified en on the plea that it is a war of defense of American rights or American "bonet. Ruthless as the unrestricted submarine war policy of the Gernfan governmen was and is, it is not an invasion of the rights of the American people as si but only an interference with the opportunity of certain groups of Americ capitalist to coin cold profits out of the blood and sufferings of our fel men in the warring countries of Europe.

No War On Militarism.

It is not a war against the militarist regime of the central powers. M tarism can never be abolished by militarism.

It is not a war to advance the cause of democracy in Europe. Democr can never be infposed upon any country by a foreign power by force of arus It is cant and hypocrisy to say that the war is not directed against the G Iman people, but against the imperial government of Germany. If we send us armed force to the battle fields of Europe, its cannon will mow down the mass of the German people and not the imperial German government.

Our entrance into the European conflict at this time will serve only to in crease the toll of death and destruction and to prolong the fiendish slaughter It will bring death, suffering and destitution to the people of the United States and particularly to the working class. It will give the powers of reaction i this country the pretext for an attempt to throttle our rights and to crush ou democratic institutions and to fasten upon this country a permanent militarism The working class of the United States has no quarrel with the working d

of Germany or of any other country. The people of the United States 1857 have no quarrel with the people of Germany or of any other country

The American people did not want and do not want this war. They have not been consulted about the war and have had no part in declaring war. T have been plunged into this war by the trickery and treachery of the rul class of the country through its representatives in the national administratie and national congress, its demagogic agitators, its subsidized press, and other servile instruments of public expression.

We brand the declaration of war by our government as a crime against th people of the United States and against the nations of the world.

In all modern history there has been no war more unjustifiable than the wa in which we are about to engage.

No greater dishonor has ever been forced upon a people than that which t capitalist class is forcing upon this nation against its will.

(Signed.)

LOUIS BOUDIN,
KATE SADLER

WALTER DILLON

a

The Witness: I know from letters, that Karl Marx wrote in the Tribune in 1854-1856. He was the great advocater of Russian Democ- but I don't know whether he actually urged any war. I don't recall that arged a war of England against Russia. I know he wrote letters from Lonto the New York Tribune under Horace Greeley in those days.

read all I could get in those days to verify the facts about the Lusitania g armed. I never heard of Koenig, the head of the Hamburg-American ret Service. I never heard the name before, nor of Gustav Schlatt. I never rd of Koenig, the head of the Hamburg-American Secret Service inducing latt to perjure himself and swear that the Lusitania was armed, and that that he was prosecuted for perjury, and sentenced in the United States rt.

read the Flag day speech, but I never heard about Koenig.

Did you read the evidence as gathered in support of the adoption of the ement in the Flag day speech?

bjection by defendants on the ground that Mr. Berger's statement was that the Lusitania was carrying munitions and not that it was armed.

The Court: You may ask him about that to-morrow morning, after examining his testimony on the re-direct.

The Witness: I have never known any German Consuls. I don't Rinethe German Consul in New York. I suppose I have heard the name. I 't run around with the Germans. I am an American Socialist, you know. ever heard of Rineleu other than what I read in my paper. I never met nstorff in my life. I never saw him in Milwaukee. He would not come to office, anyhow. I saw Bernstorff one evening when the Gridiron Club gave inner in my honor. Bernstorff was there and President Taft. He sat across table from me. I didn't shake hands with him. I wasn't even introduced

him.

Referring to our hearing with the postal authorities in Washington, after we bealed from the postoffice authorities, in order to establish our rights afterrds, we had a hearing in the United States District Court for the District of lumbia, and in that case Mr. Lamar of the Department of Justice represented - postoffice department.

Rose Pastor Stokes is the wife of James Graham Phelps Stokes. I testified re-direct examination that she came back into the party.

Q She was tried also for seditious utterances, wasn't she?

A Yes, she said

(Objection by counsel for defendants, and objection overruled by the court.)

30

The Witness: She said this was a capitalist war.

She was tried in

Kansas City for violation of the Espionage Act. She said it was a caplist war and that is all she said. I only know what happened to her from e papers. She was found guilty.

Charles Edward Russell was expelled from the party. I don't know why only at I read in the New York Call. His letter of resignation came after he as out. He didn't have anything to say to the National office, because the tional office didn't expel him. It was his own branch and his own local. would not read his letters. I did not telephone to Washington that I thought ussell was an undesirable man because his views were not against the war. didn't send a protest to Washington protesting against his serving on the Rusan Commission. The National committee did. I don't remember signing e letter. If my signature is there, I did. We sent so many letters in the last few years.

61

I may have given out the interview which is in the Milwaukee Leader, under date of Sept. 6, 1917. I do not know that was the date after subbenas were served on the I. W. W.'s throughout the country. In that interew I said, “Traitors and seditionists the I. W. W.'s are not. However, and our government had any sense they could get along with them fully as well s the French government gets along with its own syndicalists. The I. W. W. mply want to make use of present conditions to get a little better wages for ommon labor. The I. W. W. are also saying things about Pierpont Morgan nd the war, because the war has already raised the high cost of living way up o the sky and if this is treason? The procedure of the government against he I. W. W. on the pretense that they are traitors to the American people is sinine, to say the least of. The I. W. W. fighting the cause of labor may even e injudicious and crazy, but traitors they are not. They are desperate proetarians,-that is the worst that can be said against them." I remember the rticle appearing on August 31, 1918, bearing on the I. W. W. situation, but 1

did not write it. I saw it in the paper. It was just after the conviction the I. W. W.'s, I remember that.

(Objection on behalf of defendants reading into the record article of Aug 31, 1918, Milwaukee Leader, on the ground that there has consistently be excluded from the trial testimony subsequent to the date of the indictment.« its being made public, on March 9th. Objection overruled. Exception by → fendants).

That is not an interview. It was an editorial, and I did not write it. be it expresses my sentiments, that the I. W. W. are not traitors, but they as very desperate proletarians. They use the wrong tactics, and have not stoppe at force in their agitation, and it is the government's duty to check the 1862 and halt them; that some of the tactics of the government are asini

that if the French government could get along with their syndicalists am anti-syndicalist) this government could too if it used the right tactics. I do not remember the legal proceedings down in New York City before the United States Court, before Judge Mayer, United States District judge, in nection with the Lusitania case. I did not pay any attention to that. I not know whether the matter was printed or not. We printed a paper & about 14 pages, and it is impossible for me to remember everything. We m certain statements about the Lusitania, that the Lusitania was operating in violation of international law, carrying munitions.

Mr. Cochems: I object to counsel reading in anything here from a procesl ing which has not been identified to this witness, and by a vagrant question carrying the suggestion in to this case that there is something in this paper concerning any one's decision.

The Court: Your point being that there is nothing in the paper 1863 about it?

Mr. Cochems: No; and the question was asked with the implication that there was.

The Court: Your point is that there is nothing in the paper about it? Mr. Cochems: That is my point, and I ask him to come through with the evidence.

The Court: He can show if there is anything in the paper or not.

The Witness:-I cannot recollect printing anything at the time with respect to Judge Mayer's decision in the Lusitania case. I do not know whether I ever heard that the Court had decided that case. I do not remember a decision by Judge Mayer wherein he held that the sinking of the Lusitania was illegal and in violation of the law of nations.

(Objected to on behalf of defendants on the ground that the legality, or ille gality of a question in international law has no relation to the question at issue. Objection overruled by the Court. Exception by the defendants).

I have not heard of that decision. It may have been printed, but I cannot even say that I never heard of it. The honest answer would be that I do not recollect.

Mr. Cochems: I will read the rest of the I. W. W. matter of September 6, 1917 (Read by counsel for defendants.)

The I. W. W.'s as I understand it, were convicted in this court room in 1919 lately. Karl Marx, at the time of our Civil War, in England, espoused the cause of the North, against the South, against slavery. He was in close contact with the leaders of the English trades unions and English labor, and he helped arrange mass meetings and used his influence to create sentiment in favor of the North and against the South. There was quite a little sentiment for the South in England. The English cotton industry was seriously injured by the blockade against the south, for they could not export any cotton to England, and the south had a good many sympathizers in England. In fact, the governmen as such, recognized the South as a belligerent, and was on the point of recognizing the South as an independent state, when the battle of Gettysburg made an en to that. Karl Marx was very active in that respect, and helped prepare the ground for Henry Ward Beecher, who did a good deal of agitation for the cause of the North. I remember Karl Marx's Socialist letter to Abraham Lincoln 2 that time, although I do not remember the absolute wording of it 1865. With reference to the first vote on the appropriation of funds, voter

upon by the German Socialists when the war opened, and with reference to the International Socialists of France, England and the other countries in that respect, in France they split in two right from the very beginning, on the

question as a whole. The first war appropriations in France were voted by the Socialists, all of them. Three Socialists joined the ministry, two ing it very soon, and one staying until a few months ago. The Socialists did not vote for the war bonds, or for anything, and opposed the war the beginning to the end, are the Socialists of England, the so-called Indelent Labor party. They opposed it, and stood like a rock. There was one 11 English faction, a very small group, the so-called Social Democratic eration, that came in for the war, but they split in two right away, and the er part of that small faction opposed the war. After the first vote for opriations by the German Socialists, the parties split. The majority faction, he appropriations, did not vote for a single appropriation any more, not for ngle one. In Italy they opposed the war right from the start, and the ority there opposed it right to the end. With reference to whether the s of the German Socialists after the first vote had any relation to their insistance upon the Junker or government crowd, and kaiser crowd consenting to certain terms of peace, they did not vote for those later issues. That is, the minority did not vote for any of the bonds, nor for any loans; as for the majority, they had practically the same conditions of peace as president, with this difference, that they wanted a plebiscite, or vote for ce-Lorraine to decide to which country they wanted to belong, Germany or nce. That was the main difference. I did not get any news except by way ondon, Copenhagen and Amsterdam. That is about the only news we got. . they wanted Belgium indemnified by all of the nations; not by Germany e, but internationally. In Alsace-Lorraine they wanted a plebiscite, or t we call a referendum, the right of self determination of small nations. When they went into my offices in Milwaukee, and about the time they came the offices in Chicago, I was not subpoenaed, and how in the world could I r imagine that I would be indicted? I never thought I would be indicted my life, and I have been in this movement for thirty-seven years. I have er been in court a day in my life, and I have never been fined one dollar. second amendment to the Constitution of the United States is the right to r arms. The first is free press, free assembly, free speech; and the second is that the right to bear arms shall not be interfered with, and that they shall 7be secure in their persons.

With regard to the Lusitania matter, I said the boat carried munitions. d not intend to say anything about whether the boat was armed or not. I not testify in regard to the question of the arming of the boat, or some jury, or some testimony in that connection, to my knowledge. I heard about ere, but I only knew it carried munitions, 3,400 boxes.

Counsel for defendants read into the record from page 2497 of the Congressional Record, February 9, 1917.)

3 Congressional Record, p. 2947, Feb. 9, 1917

"In March, 1915, the J. P. Morgan interests, the steel, shipbuilding, and der interests, and their subsidiary organizations, got together 12 men high in the newspaper world and employed them to select the most influential spapers in the United States and sufficient number of them to control genlly the policy of the daily press of the United States.

These 12 men worked the problem out by selecting 179 newspapers, and then an, by an elimination process, to retain only those necessary for the purpose controlling the general policy of the daily press throughout the country. ey found it was only necessary to purchase the control of 25 of the greatest ers. The 25 papers were agreed upon; emissaries were sent to purchase the icy, national and international, of these papers; an agreement was reached; policy of the papers was bought, to be paid for by the month; an editor was nished for each paper to properly supervise and edit information regarding questions of preparedness, militarism, financial policies, and other things national and international nature considered vital to the interests of the chasers.

This contract is in existence at the present time, and it accounts for the news umns of the daily press of the country being filled with all sorts of preparedis arguments and misrepresentations as to the present condition of the United tes Army and Navy, and the possibility and probability of the United States ng attacked by foreign foes.

This policy also included the suppression of everything in opposition to the shes of the interests served. The effectiveness of this scheme has been consively demonstrated by the character of stuff carried in the daily press throught the country since March, 1915. They have resorted to anything necessary to

1869

commercialize public sentiment and sandbag the National Congress into ma etravagant and wasteful appropriations for the Army and Navy under the fa pretense that it was necessary. Their stock argument is that it is patriots, They are playing on every prejudice and passion of the American people" Witness continuing: In March, 1915, it was the current report the a Pierpont Morgan was the financial agent of the Allies; of Great Bri first, and of all the Allies later; that he employed a man by the name of S tinius to buy war material. Mr. Stettinius, junior partner of the arm of Pierpont Morgan & Company, was employed as purchasing agent. As for Morgan interests buying papers, that is also a matter of common knowledg It has been variously reported whenever one or the other member of the tim bought a daily paper. The latest purchase was the New York Sun, by Lane That went to the entire press.

(Statements of Congressman J. Hampton Moore read from Congression Record by counsel for defendants.)

I do not know of any paper, either in our town, or anywhere else, tha 1870 gave the Red Cross, or those other war auxiliaries or charities that wer recognized any space that was not paid for. The custom in regard to that was that the advertising manager would go out and get certain firms to adverts either the Red Cross, or the Liberty Bonds, et-cetera; and they would pay f the space, and the government would furnish the matrix. That means the neces sary patriotic mottoes, figures, and pictures, you know, would go in, and the ac vertising would go right in it. Our manager told me that he always had grea trouble in securing those matrixes, and that in some cases we had to have the made purposely ourselves. I saw the statement that Victor S. Lawson, edite of the Daily News of Chicago, made a statement to the Press Association pro testing against the request, in The Editor & Publisher, a monthly publication, a professional publication, and also, I believe, in The Fourth Estate, another publication of the same type, a weekly. I do not remember the name of the reje sentative of the government in Milwaukee who gave out the Liberty Loan als That was not my department. That was the advertising department. I do no remember his name. I knew it, but I forget it. After we were excluded from the mails on October 3, 1917, there came through these Liberty Loans and Wr

Savings Stamps, and other ads; we had quite a number of them, and you 1871 have the list there. The government did not place any ads, but we ha

those mats and those ads after November 3, 1917, up to date. Rose Paste Stokes is the wife of James Graham Phelps Stokes. She was originally a cigar maker who became a settlement worker. She was a cigar maker in Cleveland and became a settlement worker in New York, and married Mr. Stokes, who als was a settlement worker, a wealthy man in the east. Her life has been spent among the poor, for the poor. I was selected on February 25, 1918, by our State Committee, as a candidate for Senator up there. We had no time for referendum. and the State Committee selected me for candidate for United States Senater for the state of Wisconsin. That was given publicity at that time in the curren press; all the papers had it. I heard a statement of counsel here in the process of this trial, that this indictment had been returned on February 2nd, but orders from Washington had been held up until sometime in March. I was not nated for the United States Senate for the end of February, February 25th. Or March 8th I was served with the indictment, which was about 11 or 12 days later

Recross Examination by Mr. Fuller.

I do not know anything about whether that indictment was returned before this judge here in this court on February 2, 1918. I testified that

the date was dated that way, but I did not know anything about i 1872 until March 8th. I do not know that it was filed in this court

February 2nd, and I had no way of knowing. I know now that it we filed with the clerk, because you have told me; but I did not know at that time. You might have known, but the general public did not know. I did ar know until March 8th. One of the statements of the German Socialists' term of peace was that they included an indemnity to Belgium, to be paid by all of the powers. They had several of them, but one of them state that they wanted Belgium indemnified by all of the powers. I do not remem ber on what date exactly we got that, but we had that statement, and al of the papers had it. I believe we printed it. I do not know when we go it. I printed so many statements during the last year and a half that cannot remember them all. I do not remember the particular statement of the