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itil this case. Mr. Plummer came to our office for the purpose of raiding office, with the search warrant, about two o'clock in the afternoon of ember 5, 1917. The Federal authorities had charge there for two days three nights, and even our janitor and watchman was not permitted to in there. They had exclusive charge during the evening and during the
We were not even permitted to take care of our mail while they were iere. The name of the author of the book “War; What For?” is George Kirkpatrick. He used to be a professor at the Chicago University. The edition of that book that I know of was published in 1913. The party been handling that book seven or eight years. He was candidate on the y ticket, nationally, for vice-president, at the 1916 election. I know Brumh by sight. I recall that he is the one who wrote that article, “ The Hand
that Holds a Gun Shall Never Hold Mine." His attitude towards the war was for the war. His first position was against it, and then he changed for the war. He is now employed on one of the Chicago labor
With reference to “Standing Order Leaflets" at first, in December 916, we announced that we would get out a monthly two page leaflet, and got them out. We notified our branches, and some of them sent in an r for an entire year, for a leaflet, for a certain number each month during year; so that it would be sent out each month, without sending in a certain r, without renewing the order. I could not say whether there was a standorder from Milwaukee to that effect. I do not take care of that; I do not
care of those orders, or receive them, or have anything to do with them. he practice there. When the mail clerk opens the mail, he immediately s them over to the Literature Department; and the general operation of ing out books, receiving orders, sending out mimeographing, etcetera, is lucted entirely independent of my Inspection. I carried on correspondence i the members and the International parties.
Cro88-Examination by Mr. Fleming. he first I knew of Brumbaugh becoming a pro-war advocate was in the e Convention in Nebraska, where he is State Secretary. I think that was
the early part of 1918, as I recall it. It might have been the latter part of 1917; I do not know; that was the first intimation I had that he had
become a supporter of the government in the prosecution of the war. I w very little of him before that. I saw his item, “ Women and the War," ch appeared in April, 1917 issue of the American Socialist. With refer: to the possession over there by the United States Marshal, under the ch warrant issued by Judge Evans, there was a watchman put in during night, and our watchman was not permitted to stay there. The watchman
put in by the United States Marshal, under the subpoena, and they had ute charge at night. Editorial Was Founder of the I. W. W.” from Milwaukee Leader of ember 28, 1917, read by counsel for defendants.)
Was Founder Of The I. W. W. may be timely now, when some of our ex-Socialists are posing as great ‘iots and defenders of " law and order," also to remember that Mr. Algie Simons—commonly known as A. M. Simons—was one of the prime movers, igators and organizers of the Industrial Workers of the World-commonly wn as the I, W. W. r. Simmons and his friends, Trautman and Haywood, were the head and it of that movement when it was started in 1905. There was not much
it" for Simons and he left “ the bunch" early in the game, of course. The aders of the I. W. W. were very peevish, however, because Victor Berger of waukee never liked that organization. le mention this only so that Milwaukee patriots like Willett Spooner, just H. Vogel, and others get a better and clearer conception of Ur. A. H. ons. They will love him twice as much-and maybe increase his emoluits-because he is a “repentant sinner." Well, he may have "changed opinion"-as has Charles E. Russell in his regard of Elihu Root, Theodore
Roosevelt and J. Pierpont Morgan. 2 Counsel for defendants offer as a matter of form, for the record, the
following items from Milwaukee Leader: May 31, 1917, “ Yo Defense essary.” June 6, 1917, “ Frantic opposition; Socialists are open and aggres! about their principles, and if they were pro-German, would have proclaimed it." July 12th, “I'robabilities." August 11th, page 3. “People's C sel Meetings." August 14th, " Too Much Berger.” August 28th, “Cannt Imposed," quotation from Pope. September 7th, “Weak Minded or Lian September 8th, “ Loose Language." September 11th, "All In The Same Bat October 11th, Possessed of the Jingo Devil." December 19th, “ Patriotig Socialists Call for General Peace Conference.” January 7, 1918, "Lock Backward and Forward." April 19th, “ Finnish Revolution."
Milwaukee Leader, May 31, 1917.
No Defense Necessary It has been charged that no Socialist tries to defend the majority report the St. Louis convention on the subject of the party attitude toward the w This is correct. We do not defend it, because it does not need any defense.
We "aggress" it, instead of defending it.
It is rather remarkable that a convention of numerous delegates with cided opinions could prepare a declaration on so important a subject wid would lend itself to so little misinterpretation as our declaration on the si ject of war.
Most of the criticism has been centered about one expression, namely, “TES movements."
It is true that this part of the declaration could have been more clearly a pressed. But we have shown in these columns, by quotations from the writing of our critics, that the usual meaning given to this expression is entirely a lpg and legitimate one. It means, and was intended to mean, such mass action mass meetings, the general circulation of petitions for signatures, ete. In party is now using both of these species of mass action. They are entire legal.
The courts, in interpreting a statute, take into consideration the meanin which the congress or legislature intended. Or, at least, they are supposed This is one of the most fundamental canons of construction.
The same canon is to be applied in construing our declaration. It must. all fair-minded people, be given the meaning which was intended by those w wrote it.
When given that meaning, it is strictly legitimate and beyond criticism.
Milwaukee Leader, June 6, 1917
Frantic Opposition In another column we republish two editorials from The New York Wer The first of these is a fine specimen of the fearful and wonderful logic or by those who would like to fasten upon the Socialists the charge of being pr German.
A sufficient answer is given in our editorial a few days ago entitled "In honesty, Prejudice, or Ignorance."
Of course, we are aware that The World is not open to conviction, but a answer to such diatribes was written for the benefit of those who may notte onto the wiles of the jingoes and who might therefore be led astray by the
So far as those who know us are concerned, there was not and is not any reason for us to argue the matter. They know that the Socialists are banes and sincere. They know that the Socialists are very open and very aggressin in furthering whatever they believe in. They know that if the Socialists were pro-German, they would long ago have proclaimed themselves to be such as would have aggressively pushed their propaganda accordingly, without a beating about the bush. So, when we say that we are not pro-German, the settles it so far as those who know us are concerned.
It is only for the benefit of those who do not know us that we have take the trouble to defend ourselves from the charge.
We Socialists are the only real true Americans, because we stand for the te interests of the entire American people, not for the profits of Wall street of the munition mongers.
The World knows this fact quite well. It knows that our position does require any explaining.
it also knows that its own position as a special pleader for the capitale class, against the people of the United States, does need a great deal. explaining.
vould gently suggest that it confine its activities to that field, where e sorely needed. World says that we Socialists can not much longer deceive the American eply that even now The World and its ilk are failing in their strenuous o deceive the American people. That is probably what is hurting it.
that the American people are turning to the Socialists because they : that they have been deceived all along by The World and its coadjutors, nd that the Socialists have been telling them the truth.
Sorry we can't accommodate The World, but it now looks as if, intead of our days being few and full of trouble, they would be many 1 of joy for all people.
the little swipe at Meyer London in the second editorial quoted, London ble of taking care of himself, but we wish to say that we Socialists are h dunces as to believe that everyone who is not a Socialist is dishonest.
was not referring to the people in general. He was referring to the sion to Russia, ostensibly sent there as believers in democracy. He = wishes there could be a conference there of men who believe what y. vish so too.
The Milwaukee Leader, July 12, 1917.
lo not know whether the news from Germany is authentic or not. It Ive been manufactured for a purpose. is true that the kaiser and the chancellor are standing pat on a prof " fight to conquer," the chances are that this attitude will bring about alization of the government more quickly than it would have come il id made a few concessions. easier to break a brittle substance than a flexible one. ia is a good example. there been any flexibility about the czar's government, so that cons might have been made to the people, it could undoubtedly have perd itself for a much longer time. But it was an unbending brittle govit. Therefore, it was broken all to pieces with a suddenness that amazed ole world. e German autocracy is equally unbending, it will surely have an equally
and effective fate. ny event, it is interesting to note that the newspapers are now beginning uit that the Socialists of Germany are "agin the government,” just as je said all along that they were. ough they are “agin the government,” it would not be true to say that re pro-ally, although the German jingoes no doubt charge them with so, in order to create prejudice against them. They are pro-Socialist, ey stand for the very best interests of the German people. equally foolish and even more vicious to charge the Socialists of the States with being pro-German. We are also pro-Socialist, and we stand · very best interests of the people of the United States.
The Milwaukee Leader, Aug. 11, 1917.
Democracy Not Thought Of At War Outbreak. · Tells People's Council Wilson Has Coined Many Fine Phrases, but
Reversed Them All Later. following is the complete address delivered by Victor L. Berger, editor | Leader, at the meeting of the People's (vuncil, held in the Eighth St. Eighth and Sycamore Sts., Friday night:
The War For Democracy, are told that this is a war " to make the world safe for democracy." his is so, then we must beliere that the car of Russia went into this war er “ to make the world safe for democracy." That the king of Italy is in ar for the sake of democracy. That the king of Romania is fighting 138525—19FOL 2-41
be saved from much bitter suffering, from reaction and military rule over civil life during the war, and from the heavy burden of a great milita system.
No Fight for Democracy.
We do not believe that the entrance of the United States into the war at late hour is due to a determination to fight for democracy, or for the DA pendence of the peoples from autocratic rule. Our capitalist class has sins too great an interest in the war to make such a belief tenable.
But even if it is conceded that the war of the United States against Gel many has been brought on by the capitalists of this nation in their interests, we must still desire that in the struggle this nation shall be i torious. Regardless of the capitalist motives involved, it is a fact that on a side are ranged the greatest autocracies in the world, the most poveri reactionary nations, while on the other side are ranged the most progressi, and democratic nations in the world. To this fact we cannot be indifferent
We do not, as Socialists, subscribe to the doctrine that once war has be declared in spite of our opposition, we must cease all opposition to it. W do say, however, that when, as in the present case, it is clear that the victa of one side as against the other would promote freedom and democracy, a intelligent application of Socialist principles to the existing situation lead inevitably to the conclusion that the interest of our, movement requires victory of that side.
Indifference as Treachery.
To profess indifference to the result of the war now being waged, to desir either that the war end in a draw or in the defeat of the entente powers wit which this nation is allied, is treachery to the principles of internation Socialism.
Furthermore, it is treachery to the democratic principles and institutio of America. The identification of Socialism with this disloyalty to the e sential principles of Americanism would destroy every hope of ever winnit the great masses of the American people to our cause. We assert the
Socialism is not disloyal to the interests of this nation. 1854 Now that the war is an accomplished fact, for the reasons stated
hold that it is our Socialist duty to make whatever sacrifices may ! necessary to enable our nation and its allies to win the war as speedily a possible.
In accordance with this statement of the principles which we believe me guide the action of Socialists at this time, we recommend to our members an sympathizers the following program of action :
Active agitation against the suppression of free speech and other popuis rights, and to all the reactionary movements which arise in war time.
Agitation in favor of submitting the question of universal compulsory militar service to a popular referendum vote of all citizens.
The creation of public opinion to enforce the demand that conscription wealth accompany any conscription of man for military service.
Demand that for the purpose of paying for the war the United States gover ment shall sequestrate all incomes in excess of $5.000 a year.
Cooperation with labor unions and other working class organizations in u organized effort to secure the popular democratic control of all governing bodie instituted for the war, and the representation of the labor unions in the dire tion of all industries which are or may be placed under government control
Limitation of profits in all private industrial and commercial enterprist.
For Rail Ownership.
Government ownership of railroads, mines, industries upon which the eibce prosecution of the war, and the wellbeing of the civil population depend.
Active efforts to promote the restoration of the Socialist international. Este cially to establish friendly intercourse with our comrades in enemy countrin with a view to cooperation in efforts to bring about a peace which will be the interest of the international Socialist movement.
lecial activity to promote humane treatment of prisoners of war, and ined aliens, to oppose all violations of international law by this nation, to limit the area and the terrors of war in all possible ways.
ergetic action, through political and economic organization, to raise the me of the working class to meet the almost inevitable increase in the cost le necessities of life.
(Signed) JOHN SPAGO War Declaration by U. S.
No Fight for Democracies. Minority Report Declares Conflict is Result of Economic Forces. this grave hour in the history of this country, we, the representatives of Socialist party of the United States, in special convention assembled, deem r duty to place before the membership of the Socialist party and the workclass of America a succinct statement of our position on the questions Ived, and to outline a program of action which we believe to be in the interf workers in this country to follow.
the very outset we desire to declare our unalterable opposition to all wars ired and prosecuted by any ruling class, no matter what the ostensible ose. We believe that the interests of the great toiling masses can not be ed by any such war. And we particularly warn the workers against the e and delusion of so-called defensive wars and wars for the alleged furtherof democracy.
No Danger of Subjugation. odern wars are not-except under very exceptional circumstances--waged he purpose of subjugating free peoples which have achieved such a degree vilization as to have a modern working class as one of its competent elets; and none of the great civilized nations are in danger of being subjugated ny other nation. There can, therefore, be no question—at least in so far as great civilized nations are concerned-of any nation needing defense against al subjugation. The defense needed-even in the case of a genuine deive war-is almost always of some interest of the capitalist class, usually de interest or the right and privilege to subjugate or exploit some backward or country.
the few exceptional cases where the danger of actual subjugation may -the case of the few small civilized nations occupying a seacoast coveted heir stronger neighbors, the right of self-defense would be unavailing, and
would never dream of asserting it against one of the great powers but he help which they may expect from small nations, mere pawns in the game orld politics played by the big nfodern nations--a game in which the workclan has nothing to gain and considerable to lose whenever it attempts to it in partnership with its ruling class.
Socialists Not Indifferent. his does not mean that we are indifferent to the independence of small ons; or to the right of all nations, great or small, to live their own life leir own way and to work out their own destinies. On the contrary-we feel · strongly on the subject. Socialism can only be brought about by the 'ts of free men, and must be based on the fullest liberty of all races and ons. at we believe and assert that the only security for the independence of Il nations lies in the ethical concepts and economic interests of the revoluiry proletariat. he same is true of the progress of democracy. We are not indifferent to fate of democracy. On the contrary, we believe that the Socialist ntovet is particularly charged with the duty of preserving and extending all ocratic institutions. But we also know that the revolutionary working 3 is the only social force either willing or capable of doing it.
No Fight For Democracy. We deny that any of the nations engaged in this war fight for democracy, or that the ends of democracy in any way will be served by either to the conflict winning a complete victory. This war is primarily the