t

the German navy boys in Kiel for a revolution and he was sentenced to fcel years for trying to incite mutiny and he was also freed a few weeks bef the revolution. The German minority became stronger and stronger, Bith they split again. They have three parties there now, I judge from the paper endu They have the Scheidemann and Haase-Bernstein, and the third is the Spor cus group, of which I have only a hazy idea, because we have had nothin from Europe for years, but seems to be very much like the Bolshevik grwp in Russia which is led by Liebknecht. Seventy-nine per cent of the Russi can neither read nor write and education there was exceedingly diffic There are three Socialist parties in Russia, the Socialist democratic param the Socialist revolutionary party and the Menshevik. The Social Democra party split again into three parts and every one of these parts was rep sented at the International Bureau. In 1910 they tried to unite the severe L Social democratic groups and they split again while uniting. One gr wanted the Socialist program complete carried through over night, very m

like what we considered our impossibilities, and that group had a m 1787 jority. Both of them stood for peace and for Socialism, but the gro

that wanted Socialism at once had the majority at that conventi The "majority" is expressed by Bolshevism; and they passed their progra in that convention. That is the Bolshevik group. The other is called Menshevik, and they have the same program but they want to bring it ab gradually without violent methods; that is the minority. The head and bras of that extreme group was a man by the name of Nicholai Lenine, whom? have met a few times. He represented the extreme of the international; and Rosa Luxemburg and a few others; but most of the men who wrote books and edited papers in Russia belong to the Menshevik group. But in my revo tion it happens, it is the law of all uprising, all changes, whether politics social, economic or religious, the most extreme group gets on top for awhile That was the case when Christianity was introduced; during the French m lution and also our own. I don't say there is any violence in Russia in en nection with Bolshevism in the sense that they would be violent to any person but they stand for an extreme, a violent, program, and want to carry it out once, which they did in Russia so far as the papers tell us. That is not in harmony with myself and my friends as possibly has been proven here. (Following editorial under heading of "Liberty Bonds" in the Milwaukee Leader under date of April 20, 1918, read to the jury:)

1788

"The Socialist party has always insisted upon obedience to all laws as long as they are in force, reserving, however, at all times, the right to ask and agitate for the repeal of such laws as we consider dangerous and harmful to the common weal. This rule holds good in relation to all legislation pertaining to war. Therefore, the Leader has never even suggested opposition to the conscription law after it had become a law. Nor has the Leader at any time discouraged the sale of Liberty Bonds. Where the Socialists are repre sented in city administrations and legislative bodies and the question of purchase of Liberty Bonds arises, these officials should, of course, insist that there purchases be made in such a manner that the burden will fall upon the profiteers and others best able to bear the burden, in accordance with the Socialist party platform.

But we are frequently asked by individual workmen and women whether or not they should buy Liberty Bonds. We advise them to do so. We are called upon to explain why we give this advice, and we shall explain it with our usua frankness. The only possible way in which we can avoid aiding the war is either by leaving the country and the national administration probably woul not give you a passport to do that, or by committing suicide. You simply cannot continue to live in this country without aiding the war, just 1789 you cannot practice Socialism while living under the capitalist syster

It is true you have some little choice as to how much you will aid the war. It is true the conscription of your sons and brothers and the war taxes are matters of war, and you could not avoid them without violating the i It is also true there is no law which says a person must buy a Liberty Bod but the circumstances virtually leave you no choice in the matter. You are expected to buy. You are expected in such a way that you don't know wh may happen to your person or folks or to your job if you don't buy. Therefore the buying of bonds is virtually a tax. We have not changed our belief abou the war in the slightest degree. We could not do so, because we know it to be correct, but when all of us have to sacrifice our relatives in the trenches with out questioning it, it does not seem wise to hesitate over a matter of dollss

:ents. We advise all of our readers to look upon the bonds as a kind of nd buy them in proportion to their ability."

th regard to the St. Louis Platform, they sent the war program out to a refum, first, and after it was disposed of on one thing, they sent out the orm to the referendum. The war program was followed by the platform ing sent to the referendum of the party. Our repudiation meant a 100% taxes, but that might be and was misunderstood. We were attacked by some people as repudiators, while you can repudiate a national debt in different ways, but I believe that plank was cut out by the National mittee. emember the cross examination as to whether I had printed an approval e "Platform" in the January 12, 1918 issue. The pamphlet shown me is constitution and platform we sent out all over the country. Those origy printed drafts of that type were changed and in book form the other one printed. This is the one that is sent out to use by the party now. he document referred to was marked Defendants' Exhibit 68.)

e majority of the workers in America, whether rendering service by hand rain, are victims of poverty, or near poverty; are insecure in their employI and ever live in fear of want.

is is the fact because they are underpaid. The wages or salaries they reare only a small part of the wealth or value they produce and such wages laries are insufficient to maintain a decent standard of life.

verty of the masses, in a land of abundance like America, is the greatest of nodern crimes.

he wage worker is not free, because he can work only by the consent of the ers of jobs.

he owners who do not work and the workers who do not own the industries, naturally seek to protect and advance their own interests. Both seek to tain the share they now get and to secure more for themselves by taking thing from the other. The clash of these interests creates the class struggle. cause of this class struggle the workers organize into labor unions, co-operasocieties, and in the Socialist Party. The owners organize into employers' ciations, commercial bodies, and citizens' alliances. They also control and inate the great political parties. Labor's principal weapons are strikes and otts. The capitalists respond with lockouts, blacklists, court injunctions, risonments, hangings and even mass murder. This terrible class warfare is ld wide and a grave menace to civilization. Its abolition is the most imant and vital issue confronting the human race.

he present system of production and distribution is known as the capitalist em to distinguish it from the several systems which preceded it, such as tel slavery and the feudal system. Under capitalism there are two distinct ses, the capitalist class and the working class. The capitalist class is mained by the taking of rents, interest and profits. he working class, owning no industries, lives by the only thing that he owns, his power to labor. 1 his advancing years.

getting wages. The worker This power to labor lessens

ontrolling the government, the capitalist class makes laws in its own interest. Behind these class laws is every instrument of the government to defend 2 and make sacred the private ownership of land and industries and special privileges by which labor is robbed.

hus the economic question is a political question. How you live is a political stion of momentous importance. The theory of a democratic government is greatest good to the greatest number. The working class far out-numbers the italist class. Here is the natural advantage of the working class. By uniting dly in a political party of its own, it can capture the government and all its ers and use them in its own interest.

The Socialist Party aims to abolish this class war with all its evils and to subute for capitalism a new order of co-operation, wherein the workers shall and control all the economic factors of life. It calls upon all workers to

unite, to strike as they vote and to vote as they strike, all against the ma class.

Only through this combination of our powers can we establish the co-op commonwealth, wherein the workers shall own their jobs and receive the f Social value of their product. The necessities of life will then be produce for the profits of the few, but for the comfort and happiness of all whe Instead of privately owned industries, with masters and slaves, there will be common ownership of the means of life, and all the opportunities and resp of the world will be equal and free to all.

This magnificent goal represents the supreme ideal of the human race. such it is to the highest interest of every human being to join in the struzzle the working class and help fight to a finish the battle which will free all men u women and lift them to a position infinitely higher and better than can ever P possible so long as the system of capitalism endures.

Immediate Program

The following are measures which we believe of immediate practical portance and for which we wage an especially energetic campaign:

Political Demands

(1) Complete adult suffrage by the elimination of all sex, residential and e cational qualifications, by the abolition of all registration fees, poll tas or other impediments to voting. Enfranchisement of those who h

declared their intention to become citizens and have resided in this com try one year.

(2) Democratic control of the government through a constitutional amen ment providing for the initiative, referendum and recall.

(3) Effective voting and proportional representation on all legislative bodies.

1793

(4) The abolition of the power of the courts to make and unmake lav because of alleged unconstitutionality or other grounds.

(5) Rigid maintenance of the right of free press, speech and assemblage peace and in war.

Economic Demands

(1) National ownership and democratic control of the railroads, telegrap and telephones, steamship lines, and all other social means of transportstion, communication, storage, and distribution.

(2) Nationalization of banking and of socially beneficial kinds of insurance. (3) Direct loans to municipalities and states at cost.

Further Demands

The following measures do not exhaust by any means the ways by which the workers can be helped to freedom. They are compiled as suggestive of further activity to that end.

(1) Abolition to the Senate and the veto power of the President.

(2) Direct election of the President and Vice-President.

(3) Immediate curbing of the power of the courts to issue injunctions. (4) Direct election of all judges of the United States Courts for short terms. (5) Free administration of law and the creation of public defenders.

Industrial Demands

(1) Complete abolition of child labor.

(2) A legal minimum wage based on the ascertained cost of a decent standar? of life.

(3) Full protection for migratory and unemployed workers from oppression (4) Abolition of private employment, detective and strike breaking agend and the extension of the Federal Employment Bureau.

(5) A shorter work day in keeping with increased industrial produ tivity.

1794

(6) An uninterrupted rest period of one and a half days in each week.

(7) Freedom of industrial and political activities of the workers.

General Demands

Taxation to be raised from graduated taxes on incomes and inheritance and from site values.

Adequate higher educational facilities for the entire youth of the nation, and such contribution to family resources as will enable the youth to remain in contact with such facilities until they are fully equipped for their economic and social careers.

Government support, by loans and other methods, to farmers and workers' co-operative organizations.

The retention and extension of the public domain and the conservation and full development of natural resources by the nation. Pensions for mothers, for invalidity, and old age.

Issued by the

National Office of the Socialist Party
803 W. Madison Street

Chicago

25 cents per hundred, $2.00 per thousand;
$1.50 per thousand in lots of 5,000 or over

in the Socialist Party and become an active worker for real democracy. ut this out or copy it, and send it to us. We will see that you promptly ive the desired information.

the National Office, Socialist Party, 803 W. Madison St., Chicago, Ill. am interested in the Socialist Party and its Principles. Please send me ples of its literature.

Name
Address
City--

_State__

Allied Printing Trades Council Union Label.)

5

Witness continuing: It is dated 1917. In the old original draft "Repudiation of War Debts" appears as No. 7 under Political Demands. the one that was circulated it does not appear. The article in the paper wn me originally appeared in the Congressional Record on February 9, 1917. it has been printed once in my own paper. It is "Unanswered Yet" 61st ." That is in the Republican of Chicago. I saw it first when it got into Congressional Record. The date is February 7, 1917. I know Mr. Calloway 1. I saw it in the Chicago Republican also. I read it there. Document referred to was read in evidence as Defendants' Exhibit 69)

6

DEFTS EX 69

Unanswered Yet-61st Call

Congressman Calloway's Charges Go Unchallenged
Why Do Big Dailies Remain Silent?

Newspapers Put Selves in Bad Light

or sixty-one weeks now The Republican has printed the charges below made the floor of the United States Congress by Representative Calloway and up this time no answer has been made by any of the "big dailies" of Chicago. Congressman Calloway's charges, printed in the Congressional Record, Febry 9, 1917, were as follows:

Mr. Chairman, under unanimous consent, I insert in the Record at this nt a statement showing the newspaper combination, which explains their ivity in this war matter, just discussed by the gentleman from Pennsylvania r. Moore):

In March, 1915, the J. P. Morgan interests, the steel, shipbuilding, and vder interests and their subsidiary organizations, got together 12 men high in the newspaper world and employed them to select the most influential spapers in the United States and sufficient number of them to control nerally the policy of the daily press of the United States.

- These 12 men worked the problem out by selecting 179 newspapers, and en began. by an elimination process, to retain only those necessary for the

purpose of controlling the general policy of the daily press through country. They found it was only necessary to purchase the control of act the greatest papers. The 25 papers were agreed upon; emissaries were to purchase the policy, national and international, of these papers; an ment was reached, the policy of the papers was bought, to be paid for by month; an editor was furnished for each paper to properly supervise and information regarding the questions of preparedness, militarism, fiz policies, and other things of national and international nature considere matr. to the Interests of the purchasers.

"This contract is in existence at the present time, and it accounts for news columns of the daily press of the country being filled with all sorts the prep; redness arguments and misrepresentations as to the present conditie the United States army and navy, and the possibility and probability of United States being attacked by foreign foes.

1797 " This policy also includes the suppression of everything in opose to the wishes of the interests served. The effectiveness of this she has been conclusively demonstrated by the character of stuff carried in daily press throughout the country since March, 1915. They have resorted anything necessary to commercialize public sentiment and sandbag the Nati Congress into making extravagant and wasteful appropriations for the cr and navy under the false pretense that it was necessary. Their stock arguer is that it is patriotism. They are playing on every prejudice and passic 2 the American people."

1798 Witness continuing: I remember the resolution offered by J. Hat 4. Moore asking for an investigation of this matter. I don't know why resolution never went through Congress but I know it was voted down by a immense majority.

HARRIET GUSSIE, witness for defendants:

Direct Examination by Mr. Johnson.

I reside at 1741 North Hancock Street; I live with my mother and am en ployed. I know William F. Kruse, and one Arnold Schiller, who lives on Ke stone Avenue, Chicago, identified with the military forces of the United States On December 11, Wednesday, Mr. Schiller was present at my home. He the tioned Mr. Kruse's name. He said he would rather see Mr. Kruse dead the alive; that he had no use for him and that he would get even with him, berate when the detectives raided the Socialist party office they found letters whi Mr. Schiller had addressed to Mr. Kruse, and that he also had to look out f himself first because the military sentence is heavier than the civilian. He also said that Mr. Fleming had instructed him to carry a gun to protect himself. also that he was afraid of cross-examination because Mr. Cunnea would mate him look like a rag-doll.

I had occasion to visit the Federal building with reference to this 1799 Friday December 13. A detective from Fleming's office called for and upon arriving at the office Mr. Plummer confronted me with sever questions to which Mr. Schiller replied "no"-with the stenographer taki everything down on the typewriter. Then Mr. Plummer turned to Mr. Schil and said Well, I am speaking to this young lady" and he turned to me are said: "Well, now Harriet, talk to me like you would to a father" which Ite him I was, and to protect Mr. Schiller I also said "no." Mr. Plummer aske me to sign the statement written by the stenographer which I refused to knowing that the thing mentioned therein was untrue. Then Mr. Plum said to me "Do you know I can force you to sign" and I told him I would not and he said "There is such a thing as a jail." I said I knew there was I would not sign. I arrived at the office, I judge, about 6.30. Then Mr. Plan mer went out and Mr. Clyne came in and he asked me if I would not sign, as I told him that the answers were untrue, and then Mr. Plummer said “H Mr. Schiller mentioned these various things" and I told him "Yes" and b asked me if I could swear to it, and I said I could. Then he turned to M Schiller and asked him whether he had said anything to me or asked the questions and Mr. Schiller said "Well, I said I didn't think I had no

for Mr. Kruse." Then Mr. Clyne and Mr. Plummer left the office, leavi 1800 Mr. Schiller and I alone and 10 minutes later somebody called in to M

Schiller and ten minutes later Mr. Schiller returned and said that the had decided they couldn't use me; that I was of no importance to them, tb