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liously urged us into war. To them, the welfare of the people is nothing. hey will, if they can, ruthlessly sacrifice the happiness and the lives of mil
lions of our people for their own selfish interests. 39 Anyone who supports the war is helping them to do so.
Of course, we are well aware of the fact that many people support the ar because they are ignorant of the true condition of affairs. They are led tray by the lies that are constantly fed to them in the capitalist press. One n scarcely be blamed for being ignorant, especially under capitalism which eps him hustling all the time to earn a bare living. So, we can not ry well find fault with those who are for war because they don't know any tter. We can only try to educate them so that they will have better sense. But the real war fans do know better. They understand how the war was used. They know that the object is commercial conquest. And they know tat, if the slate is put through, the plutocrats are to be the beneficiaries. Such men are anti-American. They are deliberately working against the ist interests of the American people. The overwhelming majority of the Socialists of the United States are oposed to the war. Vast numbers of other people are also against it. In fact, le great majority of the people are either actively or passively against it. Those who oppose the war are the true genuine Americans. They are the 'ue genuine Americans because they are working for the best interests of
the American people. 540 One can not make himself a true American by just saying that he is.
The jingoes loudly proclaim that they are the only true Americans, but heir actions belie their words.
On the other hand, the Socialists and the other anti-war folks are daily roving by their actions that they are true Americans.
American is that American does. 541
Keeping History Straight. Let Us Keep Current History Straight. The Evening Wisconsin says: "The eason why Winfield R. Gaylord is marked for expulsion from the Socialist 'arty seems to be that he retains respect for the constitution and love for the imerican flag.”
The inference no doubt to be drawn from this is that the Socialists do not etain respect for the constitution and love for the American flag.
As for the constitution, we respect it, but we do not reverence it. We know tow it was adopted, and in whose interest. We know that it is partly good ind partly bad. We know that it has been considerably improved by amendnent, and that it can be very greatly improved by still further amendment. We mnow that, while yielding obedience to it, every citizen nevertheless has the ight to criticize it and to try to get it amended so that it will be a genuinely lemocratic document. We also know that the constitution has been made an nstrument of oppression by the misinterpretations which the courts have placed upon it. They have construed it to mean that the courts have the legal power o nullify laws, whereas it nowhere gives the courts such power.
The opponents of Socialism do not respect the constitution. They want to pass censorship laws, in violation of the constitutional guaranty of freedom of he press. They have already passed a conscription law, in violation of the onstitutional guaranty against involuntary servitude.
We Socialists, on the other hand, want these constitutional guaranties repected.
As for the flag, we Socialists have shown our love for it too often and too courageously to need to defend ourselves on that score.
On the contrary it is up to those who try to make the flag stand for wrong'ul purposes to defend themselves.
The Socialists are the most real and genuine of Americans. They love the flag too well to try to put the dollar mark on it.
(GOVERNMENT EXHIBIT NO. ----.)
Recent Fiction. In an editorial comment upon the recent expulsions from the Socialist party, The Milwaukee Sentinel remarks: “ Just why any American or semi-American Socialist should side with a foreign government which has set its heel upon expressive Socialism by sending its leader to prison for four years of penal
servitude, and whose autocratic ruler once denounced the Socialists as · A ham of men unworthy of the name Germans,' it is difficut to see."
Yes indeed, it is difficult, worthy Sentinel.
It is as difficult as the well known stunt of the gentleman who went into dark room on a dark night to find a black cat which wasn't there,
No use trying to see it. It isn't there. What a rich imagination the writer of the above quotation has! He miss his calling. He should write fiction as his regular occupation. Fortune awa him in the legitimate field of imaginative literature.
The Socialists of the United States, with the exception of a very slight pe war minority, are more earnestly opposed to autocracy and plutocracy, in G many and elsewhere, than anyone else in this country.
The war fans of the United States are not genuinely opposed to t 1543 German autocracy at all.
Do you suppose Morgan and munition manufacturers and the fa speculators and the various capitalists who have been making gigantie ir tunes out of the European tragedy, and who believe they see an opportuni for commercial conquest in the future, with still larger financial rewards you suppose these men care a rap whether or not the German nation is erned by an autocracy?
To ask the question is to answer it. These war fans are in the war for the money there is in it. The claim that the war is for the advancement of democracy is pure adulterated bunk. It is the sheerest pretense.
This claim is put forward for the deliberate purpose of deceiving the Ame can people. Naturally, if the war were openly proclaimed to be what it is dollar war-it would necessarily be very unpopular. Therefore, the war fra have to look around for some high ideal upon which they can seize and fall claim that they are fighting for it.
So they have made the lying claim that they are fighting for the advancement of democracy. Thus far, the people of the United States, fortunately, are not falling fa
this lie very readily. The people in spite of the fact that this fale 1544 hood is daily dinned into their ears by the jingo press, are still orel
whelmingly opposed to the war. They still smell the dollar in it. This is decidedly to the credit of the people of the United States. It is te much to the credit of their intelligence. It shows that they are at last rublin their eyes and waking up to the truth.
What an easy, easy, people they have been !
Time after time, they have allowed themselves to be taken in by campain siogans, and have voted their plutocratic enemies into the public offices to rol over them. And time after time they have received a raw deal in return,
But the latest deal is a little the rawest of all. The slogan was "He kep us out of war." They fell for it. A month after their favorite was reinaug rated, war was declared. Had they voted the Socialist ticket, in sufficient om bers to elect, as we ged them to do, or had they even doubled the Socialis vote, there would not be any war so far as this country is concerned.
This latest raw deal has opened the eyes of many millions of the peut They are against the war. They are against it because they are pro-America And they understand perfectly well that we Socialists are also against
war because we are pro-American, as well as internationalists. The 1545 know that we are against autocracy and plutocracy in the Unite
States, and in Germany, and in all other countries. It may well be that the war will have results favorable to democracy. Germany and in the United States and in other countries, just as it has had a Russia. But, if so, it will be incidental. It will not be in accordance with wishes of those who brought on the war. It will be one of the unforseen a unintended results, as was the Russian Revolution. It will be due to the pressure of the workers, not to the will of the rulers.
Of course, we American Socialists are against the kaiser who seut our (14 rade Karl Liebknecht to jail. We are against autocracy in Germany, not merel for that reason, but because, in our most fundamental principles, we are agains autocracy everywhere.
The attempt made through Senator Husting was an attempt to do the sand thing to the Socialists of the United States that the kaiser did to Liebknecht
We would advise you to drop that subject like a hot potato, esteemed Sent nel. It will burn your fingers.
ebknecht was sent to jail because he was opposed to the war. le attempt made through Senator Husting was an effort to also send the ilists of the United States to jail because they are opposed to the war. "w, who is on the side of the kaiser? ELIZABETH H. THOMAS, a witness on behalf of the defendants sworn
and testified :
Direct Examination by Mr. Cochems.
y name is Elizabeth H. Thomas; born in Union Springs, X. Y.; not of Ger
descent, I am of Quaker descent; I am a school director in the city of waukee, elected by the people. I am president of the Socialist Democratic lishing Company which publishes the Milwaukee Leader. I have general arvision of the welfare of that paper and its publishing; I have a great deal do with the editorial end especially when Mr. Berger is away. I am
economically dependent on Victor L. Berger or the Socialist Democratic olishing Company and do not receive any salary from them at all and e all my time to that work, having been president since 1901 continuously. ring that time I was also State Secretary of the Socialist party for a time. ave an estate of my own. The directors of the company choose the presit, and the stockholders choose the directors. Mr. Berger controls the icy of the Milwaukee Leader; of course, the directors ultimately control it, I the stockholders control them. Ir. Berger does not see half of the proofs of the articles which appear in the der, even when he is in town, and he is often out of town. When he is out town I look over the proofs.
have had many talks with Mr. Berger on the general policy of the Leader er we entered the war; its general policy has been one of constructive social1. Mr. Berger has always emphasized the fact that the Leader should stand · gradual progress, not for any violent methods; that we should work to · to get the trusts, railroads, and the great industries owned by the people lectively, and that we ought to do that by gradual means, and should continuy emphasize that all peaceful and legal means should be used, and that if s was done it would avoid a great deal of trouble later on and perhaps the me violent methods they now have in Russia; he always advised us to use this
line of argument in the Leader, that we use peaceful, legal, political 47 methods. For the last 18 years I have heard him many times say that we
oppose the policy of Sabotage, that it was directly in opposition to conructive socialism, sane socialism, and that while the I. W. W.'s stood for vionce, we stood for political action. He approved of organization by industries stead of by crafts, which the I. W. W. had got, but he did not approve of disder, violence and sabotage. He has not expressed his views on Bolshevism, t he has stated again and again that in America he is opposed to any kind of olence. About the end of September 1914 I heard him say twice that the aiser ought to be shot. About the beginning of September 1914 I told Mr. erger our paper was accused of being pro-English and suggested we might perps change our policy a little, and he replied many times that we can't change r policy, we are an American paper, we are a Socialist paper, and we will not mange our policy to please any one; by which he meant that he would not ange the policy of neutrality in the paper, would not become a pro-German per, even to avoid the loss of subscribers. His view remains steadfast, absotely opposed to the Kaiser. We had a stand where literature was sold and we also had some books in the sement, in conjunction with the Leader. We never had in stock to my knowlge either to give away or sell “ The Price We Pay,” or “Why You Should ght.” About the time the former was barred from the mails Mr. Berger called ir attention to that fact and suggested that we look over the literature and see there was anything to which the government might object. I did so accord
ingly with the aid of John M. Work, and on looking over the literature we 548 had in stock there was no copy of either of these two pamphlets. We ex
amined it very carefully and threw out any books that might possibly be nsidered objectionable, some of them had condemnations of wars in general. I don't recall that I ever saw Mr. Kruse in the Leader office; have been there lost every day for nearly 18 years. Mr. Berger was not very much in favor of e Yipsels. We have discussed that many times since 1913. He thought that
Socialism should be studied as a science, thought the Tipsels did not seriously enough ; did not wish his own children to join the Yipsels. E two daughters, aged 18 and 20, and a nephew aged 19 living with him, : Jack Anderson.
Cross-Eramination by Mr. Fleming. Mr. Berger has been Vice-president and Director of the Socialist Dereva Publishing Co. during the 18 years that I have been president. He has Editor-in-chief of the Leader ever since it started. We ceased publishi: Social Democrat Herald shortly after the Leader was started. We have and still are publishing a German paper, “ The Forwaerts,” which is pri in the German language in the same shop as the Leader is printed today. Berger is vice-president of the Forwaerts, and director, but not editor. are nine directors of the company which publishes the Leader, including Berger and myself. I hold something over 600 shares. James R. Howe wrote most of the editorials for the Leader prior to
1917, but not all. He is dead. Mr. Berger also wrote a great 1549 Since that date the principal author is John M. Work, and Mr. Bel
writes some. Sometimes the proofs are submitted to Mr. Berger sometimes not; he has a right to see them but he does not see them. W is out of town I see them; when he is in town but not in the office I do not at them, nobody sees them, and they go right through without any editi supervision at all, and the responsibility lies at the door of the person wi the editorial or making the news item; that is the way we conduct the Lead I could not tell you how many times I made examination of proof in the abse of Mr. Berger in the year, 1917, probably more than 20 times. My office is in anteroom into which Mr. Berger's office also opens, and there are 2 offices tween, Mr. Arnold's and Mr. Malms'. Arnold is State Senator and Malms i County Organizer. I have my office in the suite occupied by the Socialist ser I am not an officer in the socialist party now.
Mr. Berger very strongly disapproved of the I. W. W. when it was star and ever since; I am very sure of it. I saw a report in the paper of making contribution to the Defence fund of the I. W. W., which is characteristic of him, that he should favor the under-dog, although as he so frequently said, he did not at all sympathize with their policy,
I am acquainted with "The Proclamation and War Program.” Was Dit St. Louis at the time of its drafting, read it in the Leader when it was i published; there are no supplies of them kept in the floor where we are have never seen them there in my recollection. I go into Arnold's a
Malm's office very often, and never saw them there, nor in Mr. Berge 1550 office. I was not in the room when Mr. Berger handed to Mr. Plumn
a copy of the Proclamation and War Program. I said on direct examination that when we heard that “ The Price We Pay was barred from the mail, Mr. Berger suggested that we look through stock of literature and see if we had any other literature that was objectia able. There was not a single copy of that pamphlet nor of “ Why You Shou Fight" in the shop on the first floor and also in the Cigar Stand, and we we through them both very carefully. I don't recall seeing any advertisements the “ Price We Pay" during the month that the post office officials declared non-mailable; never saw any copies of either of those pamphlets in Mr. Arnold office; don't know that shipments were made during the month of August " Why You should Fight" to the amount of 5000.
I know Edna Peters who is stenographer and did some reporting work, un an active Yipsel. She never told me anything about the distribution of "WI You Should Fight," and the war program.
I saw the Editorial, “ Big Doing Tomorrow," I suppose at the time. Beta and after that Mr. Berger said he did not have a very high opinion of il Yipsels. The proof of that editorial may have been submitted to me, I have
a very distinct recollection of it. 1551 We have never changed the policy of our paper, to a pro-Germe
paper. The Forwaerts was not charged with being pro-English; prior April 6th, 1917, I believe it was neutral but I do not read the paper, but t direction of the directors was that it should be neutral. Preference was a given to the German war dispatches to our knowledge, and not according to direction.
Redirect Examination by Mr. Cochems. e directors of the paper whose names I gave and which were apparently an from their sound, were mostly born in this country, and were descendwho came over in '48 because of their opposition to the Prussian Military m and their demands to secure liberty and democracy in Germany they
exiled. None of them have shrunk from performing their full portion in war. e editorial “ Big Doings Tomorrow," is a rather short one and looks as zh it had been written in a hurry, and rather shabby at that. John M. I wrote it. There are about 12000 stock and bond holders in our company, the largest number own one share of stock or one bond; the stockholders vorking people and the stock is $5 a share and the bonds $10 and $5. The vaerts has been published before I came to Milwaukee, about 28 or 30 s continuously. I never got a cent from Dr. Albert or any other person ected with the German government.
Recross Examination by Mr. Fleming. borrow money sometimes for our paper and I go to socialists for it. I : borrowed during the years 1917 and 1918 about $100 from John C. Kleist paid it back; same amount from Daniel Hahn; don't remember any big unts; never went to New York to get money ; there was a loan I think of O from a New York Socialist paper. ne editorial “Big Doings Tomorrow" I first learned of at the time it was ten; it did not make much impression on me at the time; I know John Work te it, and knew it at the time; Mr. Berger was out of town when that was ten, I think, but I am clear on this that I heard Mr. Work say he wrote it besides I am very positive he wrote it. I think Mr. Berger was in Chicago he day that was written, but I couldn't give you the date; do not remember other editorial written by Work at the same time, but if you would show one of his editorials I would probably be able to tell you that he wrote it. he proof was sent from upstairs to the second floor and was usually placed the table outside the door of my room, where it was not available to all ple who might come in; it was in the outer office in the general headquarters he socialist party; when Mr. Berger is in Milwaukee he is supposed to see proof but he does not always. I don't know how often Berger came to cago during the year 1917; don't remember whether he was there during months of June and July, 1917. I do not recall any other editorials written
by John Work during August, 1917, but if I saw them I could probably 3 say whether he wrote them or not.
Redirect Examination by Jr. Cochems. knew Mr. Work's editorial by its style; I know Mr. Berger's style because I e been reading his editorials for nearly 18 years, and his style is quite differ
from Mr. Work's. The Chleins never loaned our company any money or ght any bonds or stock or assisted us financially in any way. We went to Forward of New York to get a loan because it was a socialist paper and re in sympathy with the leader and had offered to accommodate us; it is king money, a strange thing for a socialist paper. CTOR L. BERGER, one of the defendants, sworn and testified:
Direct Examination by Mr. Cochems. am the Victor Berger who is one of the defendants; live in Milwaukee and ve lived there about forty years, have never been in court in my life, except en the Leader was sued for something. I was born in Austria in 1860, and ne over here with my folks in 1878; there I attended the gymnasium, and erwards for a few terms the University of Vienna and Budapest. I was 18 19 when I came to this country. My parents lived in New York a short time d afterwards moved to Bridgeport where my father still lives, with most of family. My special training in school was history and political economy.
At first I did some work on farms and odd jobs until I learned the 54 trade of metal polishing, and stuck to that for about a year and a half
until I learned enough English to pass my examination as a teacher; that is in New York. Then I came to Milwaukee in 1881 and was one of three out 18 who passed the teachers examination, and started teaching in the public