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* It was found that the incomes of almost two-thirds of these families (64 ‘r cent) were less that $750 per year and of almost one-third (31 per cent) ere less than $500, the average for all being $721. The average size of these milies was 5.6 members. Elaborate studies of the cost of living made in all irts of the country at the same time have shown that the very least that a mily of five persons can live upon in anything approaching decency is $700. : is probable that, owing to the fact that the families investigated by the nmigration Commission were, to a large extent, foreign born, the incomes ported are lower than the average for the entire working population ; neverreless, even when every allowance is made for that fact, the figures show inclusivly that between one-half and two-thirds of these families were living elow the standards of decent subsistence, while about one-third were living I a state which can be described only as abject poverty.

* It has been proved by studies here and abroad that there is a direct relation etween poverty and the death rate of babies; but the frightful rate at which overty kills was not known, at least for this country, until very recently, hen through a study made in Johnstown, Pa., by the Federal Children's ureau, it was shown that the babies whose fathers earned less than $10 per reek died during the first year at the appalling rate of 256 per 1,000. On the ther hand, those whose fathers earned $25 per week or more died at the rate f only 84 per 1,000. The babies of the poor died at three times the rate of hose who were in fairly well-to-do families. The tremendous significance of hese figures will be appreciated when it is known that one-third of all the adult vorkmen reported by the Immigration Commission earned less than $10 per veek, even exclusive of time lost. On the showing of Johnstown these worknen may expect one out of four of their babies to die during the first year of ife.

** The last of the family to go hungry are the children, yet statistics show hat in six of our largest cities from 12 to 20 per cent of the children are

noticeably underfed and ill nourished. 151 “ The most alarming fact in American agriculture is the rapid growth

of tenancy. In 1910 there were 37 tenant-operated farms in each 100 arms in the United States, as compared with 28 in 1890, an increase of 32 per 'ent during 20 years. No nation-wide investigation of the condition of tenant 'armers has ever been made, but in Texas, where the investigations of this 'ommission were thorough and conclusive, it was found not only that the conomic condition of the tenant 'was extremely bad but that he was far from being free, while his future was regarded as hopeless.

“ Between one-fourth and one-third of the male workers 18 years of age ind over, in factories and mines, earn less than $10 per week; from two-thirds to three-fourths earn less than $15, and only about one-tenth earn more than $20 a week. This does not take into consideration lost working time for any ause.

“ The “rich ", 2 per cent of the people, own 60 per cent of the wealth.

" The "middle class ", 33 per cent of the people, own 35 per cent of the wealth.

“The “ poor ", 65 per cent of the people, own 5 per cent of the wealth.

“ This means in brief that a little less than 2,000,000 people, who would make up a city smaller than Chicago, own 20 per cent more of the Nation's wealth than all the other 90,000,000.

“ The figures also show that with a reasonably equitable division of wealth, the entire population should occupy the position of comfort and security, which we characterize as middle class.

“ The actual concentration has, however, been carried very much further than these figures indicate. The largest private fortune in the United States, estimated at $1,000,000,000, is equivalent to the aggregate wealth of 2,500,000 of those who are classed as “poor”, who are shown in the studies cited to published monthly by the Catholic Church Extension Society of the United States. The leading editorial of the issue of 1917 is entitled " The Pigs d War.” That editorial was on my desk at the time I wrote; it was published in the latter part of May, 1919. I usually have this editorial with me when making an address on the history of Servia, which I delivered three times

own on the average about $400 each." 1452 Witness continuing: This volume was before me when I wrote this

paper and I still carry it with me. At the bottom of page 9 this paragraph operated on my mind and shaped my intent, which is about a large part of our industrial population are as a result of the combination of low wages and unemployment living in a condition of actual poverty, and showing that the death rate is in inverse ration with the amount of earnings; and showing statistics in six of our largest cities that from twelve to twenty per cent of the children are noticeably underfed and ill nourished. In writing the paragraph about the pigs of Servia I had before me a copy of the Extension Magazine

during the period covered by the indictment. The address in which I 1453 incorporated anything from this Magazine article was not delivered at

any of my speeches covered in the indictment, but at several other meetings during that period. One was at the West Side Auditorium, in which I referred to the article, but did not read it in full. I asked the question * wert Serbian pigs worth it?” And the concluding paragraph which I referred to in a great number of speeches, is about nations coining honors in every great war for those who fought, each Military Order having its emblem, like the eagle the lion, the elephant; that the emblem that best expresses the ignoble begin nings, greed and broken covenants of this war, go to the devastated fields of Serbia and pick out the skeleton head of one of Serbia's pigs.

In the reference to the Chinese coolies brought here to take possession of your country, I had in mind a number of addresses delivered by Elbert H. Gary, president of the Steel Trust, in which he strongly advocated the imports. tion of from 500,000 to 5,000,000 coolies to take the place of soldiers that had gone to war; I have here one of those clippings, dated January 5, 1917, voicing that sentiment, and a clipping of January 6th voicing the opposition of the Chicago Federation of Labor, taken from the same paper. I clipped them from the St. Louis Republic; the second is from the St. Louis Globe-Democrát, the type is different, bearing date January 6th, no year, but I know the date

of it approximately, and it was prior to our entry into the war. It voices 1454 a protest against the importation of 5,000,000 Chinese coolies, and the

resolution of the Chicago Federation of Labor that such a proposition would demoralize working conditions and lower the standard of wages.

As to the Serbian pigs, the outline of the article is that Serbia is an inland country having but one principal export, which is swine, and Austria had put a heavy tariff on pigs in the year previous to the outbreak of the war, and Serbia was therefore desperately anxious to get access to the sea through the port of Durazzo, being the natural outlet of Serbia, according to Minister Vo picka; and Austria objected, and the struggle between Serbia and Austria was precipitated in the struggle for Serbia's right to freely export her pigs through that port. Minister Vopicka is quoted by Bishop Monsignor Kelly to say that the whole panoply of kings, bishops, generals and soldiers had been set into operation, and the whole bloody war launched, by the efforts of the pigs of Serbia to rush down the steep place into the sea at Durazzo. Competition for the pig market was the origin of the quarrel between Serbia and Austria which led to the assassination of Arch-Duke Francis Ferdinand, which started the

The article " The Pigs of War” was read, as follows:

war.

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A few days after his arrival at home in Chicago, the American Minister to the Balkans addressed the Irish Fellowship Club in a most diplomatically careful speech, describing some of the horrors of that part of the way which he had seen, after having briefly sketched the causes that led to the first outbreak. His Excellency went back farther than most of us in studying these beginnings, and referred to the underlying reason of the bitterness between Serbia and Austria, which, he said, was simply a question of trade. Austria had been the principal, almost the sole market for the one product that Serbis offered for sale outside her own borders. Hungary began to compete for this trade. As the latter formed part of the Dual Monarchy, Austria, by tariff regulation, favored her. Serbia, anxious to reach other markets, then sought to secure the port of Durazzo, so as to give her an outlet on the Adriatic Sea. Austria objected. The Serbians believed that the greatest Austrian opponent to their nation's ambitions was the Archduke Franz Ferdinand; so Serbisns assassinated him. The war was on. Some of this is, of course, ancient, if half-forgotten knowledge to any one

who had interested himself in the war from its inception; but how fem 1456 of us knew at the time, or know now, for that matter, what was that

Serbian product which caused the first disagreement, and thus really brought on the conflict? The Minister mentioned it in a most casual way. It was Pigs.

Ellis Parker Butler jumped into fame as a humorist with a near-classic and v-paged bit of fun called Pigs Is Pigs. Everybody who has read the story members how the little fellows, of the Guinea variety, increased and multied on the hands of the conscientious Hibernian freight agent, until they ssed from a trifling annoyance to a very real distress, from a very real disss to a serio-comic disaster, and from a serio-comic disaster to a great official ilroad problem. In a bigger way Mr. Butler's story has repeated itself; only e repetition is serious, not funny. It is a 'tragedy, not a comedy. The pigs

Serbia were; in truth, pawns on the chessboard of war; but to their aid me Emperors and Anarchists, Kings and Socialists, Archdukes and Grand ikes, Presidents and Bishops, Clerks, Peasants and Generals, Big Wigs and g Money Bags—all following where the pigs of Serbia lead. When it is all over, will the question of Serbia's pigs be taken up for conleration? Perhaps not, for it may then have been quite forgotten. Of a

certainty, all the original Serbian pigs are already dead. The men who 57 raised them are either killed, exiled or prisoners. The women who tended

them, poor creatures, are in too deep sorrow to think of their charges y longer. But the ghosts of Serbia's pigs are not laid. The curls on their adowy tails are question marks that have been, and are, irritating a world

the point of sheer madness. So a Tragedy is in full swing on the stage of le Universe; and who now cares to remember the poor piggy of the Prologue ? he question of the pigs of Serbia has been appealed to the World's Supreme ourt of the Sword. It costs more than billions of pigs are worth to take a ise there. So the varied sorrows are on us—all to pay the cost of the glory tigation over Serbia's pigs.

Were Serbia's pigs worth it? Ask the scarecrow thing that waves its bloody igs and grins with its carrion-eaten mouth there-out there between the enches. Even a stilled and rotting soldier's tongue can answer your question. sk beside the sodden mud of the long line of battle graves, where human odies are planted against the resurrection day of God, like corn in the furows of a grim old farmer. From out these graves will voices arise to answer t least that one query. Ask the woman of the look that is produced only by combination of bereavement, hunger and despair. She may be a chary of

words; but in her hopeless eyes you may read a reply. Ask the ruined 458 cathedrals, and from their desolate choirs and silent organs will there

steal a De Profundis that you may hear and understand. Ask of the verturned thrones, the shattered parliaments, the hovels that were palaces, he fields of corpses, the rivers of blood, the dead ships that lie on the ocean's ed, the bodies that float on the waves until flesh and sinew fall away and the lones one by one drop to be scattered wherever wind and wave bear them on he floor. All these are eloquent, with a fire no living orator dares attempt to mitate. They proclaim that Serbia's pigs were not worth the cost. What a lisaster would it be for civilization to ever forget that, with so much that was veyond price, have we paid, are paying, and will still pay, the outrageous toll 'or them.

New issues have pushed, and are still pushing back the problem of the pigs if Serbia. International questions of the honor of nations, the freedom of the eas, the rights of languages and of nationalities, demands for religious liberty, lisputes over boundaries, questions of state, of dynasties, of credits, of national ispirations, all have come to the front; but, through these serious and monentous difficulties the pigs of Serbia still run riot. The porcine ghosts have broken into dumas, reichstags, parliaments and congresses. They have rushed

unchecked into chambers of deputies and senates. They have soiled the 1459 marble floors of the palaces with their filth, and have trampled over the

soft beds of the rulers; for the questions of state rights and human rights were forced on the consideration of the world by the question of the rights of pigs.

It now appears that no nation, even of this far-away New World, dares refuse entrance into its counsels and aspirationd to the pigs of Serbia. Alone amongst the great powers of the earth, girt about by protecting oceans, our nation stood at peace, asking only the chance to dry the tear of sorrow, and fill the mouths of the hungry; but it was not to be. The ghosts of the pigs of Serbia were good swimmers, and at long last they reached our shores. Their deep gruntings are in our ears. Their shrill squealings echo in our halls of legislation, our editorial sanctums, our schools, our colleges, even from our pulpits. Dreadful beasts! They are all unsatisfied, though they have eaten up one continent and have bitten deep into all the others. They demand our flesh, our blood, our treasure and they will have it. For the pigs of Serbia have multiplied and have grown till they are the pigs of the Universe. When will they stop, these pigs of Serbia? When will they go back to their

own swineherd kings? How can any one tell how long it will take to eat 1460 up Civilization? It took centuries to win what we have of it, but the pig

of Serbia can devour it all in a few short years; and there can not be many more years left in which to finish their gory meal. After that? The wallowing, perhaps vomiting of revolutions over a stricken world, plethora. sleep. Alas for human progress! at the end, it may be sleep-in the mud of (lesolation and ruin. Can our country save civilization by our sacrifices? It is the one hope. Let us pray with faith and act with charity—that the hope may be realized. We hate war. We love peace. But we have always done our duty. We will do it now-every single one of us.

For every great war have nations coined honors for those who fought. For the heroism of every bloody event in history have the rulers struck medals, and founded orders, to perpetuate deeds of glory or adorn the breasts of the great. Each Military Order has its emblem; for one the eagle, for another the lion, for another the elephant, for another the lamb of the Golden Fleece. What shall be the world-accepted emblem to commemorate this, the greatest and bloodiest of world wars, with its deeds of heroism unparalleled, its records of generous and unselfish services? If you seek the emblem that best expresses its ignoble beginnings, its disregard up to this hour for individual life and rights, its grasping greed, its broken covenants, its ruthless represessions, go you to the devastated fields of Serbia and pick out the skeleton head of one of Serbia's

pigs. 1461 My quotation in the article “ Take Heed to yourselves for the devil

is unchained " is a quotation from Sir Walter Scott's “Ivanhoe." The meetings on July 7th and 8th were at the Auditorium Hall and River view park, respectively. I was chairman and opened the meeting with the address of welcome. I read from this manuscript I have in my hands at the Riverview Park meeting of July 8th. I had been misquoted in that the newspapers stated that I had called the President of the United States a black traitor, and I said in my speech that on finding this out I called up the Chicago Journal and threatened the editor with criminal libel, because I had said no such thing, and I said I desired to read to those assembled what I did say, and I pulled out this manuscript and read it to them in full. (Thereupon witness read said speech). Having completed the reading I said that was what I said yesterday and not what the newspapers reported me as having said. 1462 Address of Welcome to the Second American Conference of Democracy

and Terms of Peace

By Irwin St. John Tucker, Chairman Chicago Conference, S03 W. Madison

Street

We have gathered here from many states to discuss means whereby the American people may make good their nation's claim that it seeks to render the world safe for democracy. In the words of Theodore Roosevelt's Fourth of July speech at Oyster Bay “Even while fighting, we must prepare the way for the peace of industrial justice and the peace of industrial democracy, which are to come after and consecrate the war. We are here to prove to the world that we really believe in that for which, we have proclaimed to the world, we are at war.

It is urgently necessary that we should thus prove our loyalty to democracy. For there are forces abroad in the land which are committing a black treason, a moral treason against our republic. They are loudly proclaiming that while democracy is admirable as a theory to be forced upon other peoples, it is absurd, impracticable, and visionary as a course to be followed for ourselves. Our meeting here has been opposed, and we who are insisting upon it have been denounced, on the ground that this democracy for which we fight is intended for export only, and is not for home consumption.

Surely it is evident to any honest man that if we are to persuade the German people to accept our democratic ideals, we must make it plain that we really believe in them ourselves. It is a moral impossibility to ask another people to adopt as their rule of life a system which we have discarded, and therefore we assert that aid and comfort is given to the enemy in overflowing

sure by those who vociferously maintain that a democracy, in order to

face war, must convert itself into an autocracy and abandon all its con3 stitutional guarantees of freedom of press, freedom of assemblage, and

freedom of petition for the redress of grievances. ar greater than any victory won by Hindenburg or Mackensen is the moral

ification given to the foes of democracy when we assure them that their ition is corrert and that democracy is impossible when war is at hand. For

is the whole claim of such dynasties as that of the Hohenzollerns; namely, t å self-governing people is inefficient and can not govern itself; therefore, e the Central Empires are surrounded by hereditary foes, they must be erned by an hereditary autocracy, to supply that efficiency of self-defense

ch in war is necessary. This I say is the bulwark of the monarchial power Europe. And therefore we assert, and repeat, and say again, that those

cry aloud that the Hohenzollern idea is right; that America must aban| her democracy in order to wage war; that the people are incapable of cussing the issues of life and death, or war and peace, are guilty of the ckest moral treason to the very life of the republics and of all republics. For at greater aid and comfort to the enemy could be given than to assert that ry attempt at democracy during the war is pro-German? So great a complint as this not even the maddest of Germans has ever offered to his nation. Strange things have occurred beneath the cover of the emergency. The Secrey of State recently requested all newspapers to refrain from discussing the iduct of the war, the terms of peace, or the prospects of the future, and to blish nothing concerning the vital matters that confront us except as thorized by the Committee on Public Information. And yesterday we were ormed that George Creel, chairman of this committee, confessed. In order stimulate our patriotism he presented us with a cheap yellow journal fake a Fourth of July gift. We resent as an intolerable insult the intimation at the patriotism of the American people is of such a quality that it must

be bolstered up by a reporter's lies. 11 By this action our good faith is blackened in the eyes of the world,

and we demand as the only possible reparation for such an unpardonable sult, the removal of the ban on the press, and the reaffirmation of the ('ontutional Bill of Rights. Such a reaffirmation is needed; for only this week I was told by a repreatative of the Postoffice Department that the fact that a certain newspaper inted a statement to the effect that the Constitution of the United States arantees the right of a free press, and that it would insist by every means sally within its power on maintaining its rights under the Constitution ndered it liable to a suspicion of sedition and treason. A St. Louis weekly wspaper was barred from the mails for publishing an appeal to Congress to peal the Conscription Law. Six other newspapers have been suppressed

various parts of the country for agitating for an early peace. Peace meetgs in various parts of the country have been violently suppressed by men paring the uniform of the army and navy of the United States. And a teleam from Washington informs the American Socialist that it will be barred om the mails if it prints anything that is anti-war, anti-conscription, antiovernment or anti-Wilson. The reason for this stringent action is given as being fear lest German spies ould send information to the government. This same reason has been given r a nation-wide campaign of intimidation and terrorism, in which school rls and school boys, ribbon clerks, chemistry students and stenographers Ive been seized and heralded to the world as heads of the Imperial Governent's Secret Service. Meanwhile our government has allowed the embassies

Austria, Bulgaria, and Turkey, with whom we are not officially at war, but ho are the Allies of Germany, to maintain their offices and their staffs at

Washington, and to use the cables freely for the dispatch of official com165 munication to their Capitols; from which, of course, these messages

are immediately transmitted to Berlin. We are also told as a reason for lis repression that recruiting must not be interfered with. Certainly somering is interfering with recruiting. The President set apart the week preding July 4th as volunteer week, and asked for 70,000 volunteers. Barely (10 of that number responded. Compare this with the result of the call of resident Lincoln for volunteers during the Civil War and of President Mcinley's first call in 1898. What is it that is wrong?

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