Men and women of Britain, who have now an unexampled opportunity of rendering a magnificent service to humanity, and to the world!

Proclaim that for you the days of plunder and butchery have gone by; s messages of peace and fraternity to your fellows who have less liberty theE you. Down with class rule. Down with the rule of brute force. Down wi war. Up with the peaceful rule of the people. (Signed on behalf of the British Section of the International Socials Bureau.) J. Kier Hardie, Arthur Henderson.

1009

The next is the war article of the French Socialist party. That wa issued between the 25th of July and the last of August. It refers wi meeting of the International Socialist Bureau in Brussels, and is as follows

French Call Upon All Proletarians to Protest.

(The war manifesto of the French Socialist Party is as follows): The fundamental anarchy of our social system, the competitions of capitalis groups, the colonial lusts, the intrigues and brutalities of Imperialism-the policy of rapine of some, the policy of pride and prestige of others hav created a permanent tension in Europe for the last ten years, a constant and growing risk of war.

The peril has been suddenly increased by the aggressive proceedings of the Austro-Hungarian diplomacy. Whatever may be the grievances of Austria Hungary, whatever may be the excesses of Nationalist Pan-Serbism, as has been declared by our Austrian comrades Austria could have obtained all necessary guarantees without recourse to the threatening and brutal note which suddenly gives rise to the menace of the most revolting and frightful of wars.

Against this policy of violence and the brutal methods which may now let loose upon Europe a catastrophe without precedent, the proletariat of all countries must raise their protest.

They must express their horror of war and their intention to prevent it. The Socialists, the workers of France, make an appeal to the whole country to use all efforts for the maintenance of peace. They know that in the present crisis the French government is most sincerely anxious to avert or to diminish the risks of conflict.

It is asked to apply itself to securing a policy of conciliation and mediation. rendered all the easier by the readiness of Servia to accede to the major portion of the Austrian demands.

It is asked to influence its ally, Russia, in order that she shall not seek a pretext for aggressive operations under cover of defending the interests of the Slavs.

Their efforts thus correspond with those of the German Social-Democrats in demanding that Germany shall exercise a moderating influence on her ally. Austria. Both at their posts of action have the same work and the same end It is this strongest and most imperative desire for peace, comrades, which must be expressed in the meetings which we call upon you to multiply. It is to declare altogether and most vigorously this common desire of the proletariat of Europe for peace and to concentrate in vigorous common action, that the international meets tomorrow at Brussels. Of it and with it we shall work with all our energy against the abominable crime which now menaces the world. The possibility of this crime is in itself a condemnation of the whole regime. 1010 I have here a short statement by James Ramsay MacDonald on the war from his viewpoint, in which he pleads for the international brother hood of all toilers. The article is as follows:

1011

Rivals in Commerce

So Bloody War Came

By J. Ramsay MacDonald

Socialist and Labor Member of the British Parliament.

Editor's Note.-Before the war whirlpool engulfed Great Britain, MacDonal was among the Socialist and labor members of Parliament who stubbornly fought for peace against the "patriotism" crazed majority. His struggle for

eace has cost him the chairmanship of the labor parliamentary group. In this tatement he continues to plead for the international brotherhood of all toilers. We are not fighting for the independence of Belgium. We are fighting because we are in the Triple Entente; because the policy of the foreign office for a numer of years has been anti-German, and because that policy has been conducted y secret diplomacy on the lines of creating alliances in order to preserve the alance of power. We Are Fighting Because We Have Got Prejudices Against Very Strong Commercial Rivals.

It is our duty to put an end to these things as quickly as possible. We are in it, and we must see it through. There is nobody who admires Germany more than I do. We owe far too much to Germany, and it is sad and horrible that, being Britons and loving our own country best, hoping' herefore that we shall not be defeated, worsted or disgraced, the counterpart of that desire is that this great nation of Germany should be worsted, defeated and disgraced.

How one almost hates a statesmanship that has brought us into this. Do not et us forfeit any respect of the German fellow working men. Let us keep our hearts so tender to them that afterwards they and we can meet together and hink hand in hand-they of their sorrow and we of ours. Whatever our view night be on the origin of the war, we must go through with it. All labor organiations must take their part in social work throughout the country connected with present needs in this time of crisis. It is significant that the principles of socialism have come to the country's aid. History will record its judgment of our views.

1013

I have an article by Karl Liebknecht, December 29, 1914. Liebknecht has been considered the founder of the international Young Peoples Socialist Movement; he holds the position of member of the Reichstag and of the Prussian Diet and was called into the military service sometime later; he made a speech calling on all the people to arise against the war and was arrested and put on trial. In the issue of the American Socialist of December 19, 1914, across the top of the first page I print: Text of Karl Liebknecht's Protest against the War, which is as follows:

1014

Text of Karl Liebknecht's Written Protest Against the War

(Note. It is declared in the cable dispatches that Karl Liebknecht was prevented from reading in the German Reichstag his written protest against the war. It is as follows:)

This war, which none of the peoples interested wanted, was not declared in the interests of the Germans or any other people. It is an imperialist war for capitalization and domination of the world markets, for political domination of important quarters of the globe and for the benefit of bankers and manufacturers. From the viewpoint of the race of armaments it is a preventive war provoked conjointly by the war parties of Germany and Austria in the obscurity of semi-absolutism and secret diplomacy. It is also a Bonaparte-like enterprise tending to demoralize and destroy the growing labor movement. That much is clear despite the cynical stage management designed to mislead the people. This is not a defensive war. We cannot believe the government when it declares it is for the defense of the fatherland. It demands money. What we must demand is rapid peace, humiliating no one, peace without conse

quent rancor. All efforts directed to this end ought to be supported. 1015 Only the continuous, simultaneous affirmation of this wish in all the bel

ligerent countries can end the bloody massacre before all the interested people are exhausted. The only durable peace will be peace based on the solidarity of the working masses and liberty. The Socialists of all countries must work for such a peace even during the war. I protest against the violation of Belgium and Luxembourg, against the annexation schemes, against military dictatorship, against the complete forgetfulness of social and political duties as shown by the government ruling classes.

1016

On the bottom of the same page I have an article by Adrian Peter Troeltra of the Dutch Socialist Party of Holland. In the issue of May 29, 1915, there is an article telling about Liebknecht being called to the colors, which is as follows:

138525-19-vor, 2- -22

1017 American Socialist May 29-1915

Liebknecht Called to the Colors

This letter to the editor of The American Socialist is the first verification á the report received in this country that Karl Liebknecht, the soul of the an war movement in Germany, has been called to the colors. Liebknecht was aske with numerous other European Socialists to contribute an article to the May I Issue of The American Socialist. The accompanying letter was received fres one of the members of the law firm at Berlin with which Liebknecht is o nected. The letter states that it is impossible for Liebknecht to contribute the article desired because he has been called to the colors.

Cable dispatches from Germany point out that Socialists in Germany a putting up a brave fight for their constitutional rights. Notwithstanding the fact that the empire is ruled by martial law, the constitutional rights of menbers of the reichstag cannot be abridged. This was shown by declarations made by Vice Chancellor Delbrueck to the budget committee of the reichstag answering queries of socialists touching two of their members.

Herr Hasse complained that action had been begun in a military court against Dr. Karl Liebknecht, for making statements of a political nature, an that his comrades had been forbidden to speak to him under a penalty. T vice chancellor replied that such a process was not legal, and that the gover ment had intervened immediately to have it discontinued.

Herr Ebert, another socialist, referred to the case of Peirotes, who was er pelled from Strassburg on the ground that he was a French sympathizer, and ordered to settle in Muenden.

Ebert asserted Herr Peirotes had been compelled to visit the police statio daily, and that all his mail had been opened. Vice Chancellor Delbrueck replied that the commandant of the fortification district had a right to expel persons. but he had no right in this case to prescribe where the men should go.

The government had intervened, he said, to secure for Peirotes those rights and immunities provided under the constitution for a member of the reichstag A reichstag order limiting residence has been revoked.

1018

A reichstag order limiting residence has been revoked.

On the bottom of the same page I have an article by Adrian Peter Troelstra of the Dutch Socialist party of Holland. In the issue of May 29, 1915, there is an article telling about Liebknecht being called to the colors. After I had the matter up with the Postal Department on June 30th I saw them again the following Monday, July 2nd, and submitted the proofs to Mr. M. J. O'Malley. (Newspaper proof marked Defendants' Exhibit 25). That Exhibit is an exact duplicate of the one I submitted to Mr. O'Malley. H examined the proofs and shook his head and said he didn't think he coul allow this material as it appears here to go through the mails, but under the rules he could not tell me what was in there that was unmailable. I asked him as to the various articles, but he would give me no information, and finally on my suggesting that I would do it, he told me to go ahead and rewrite the 1019 articles and bring in another proof in the same way. And these are

the duplicates of the second two proofs submitted to Mr. O'Malley. (Doc ument marked Defendants' Exhibit 26). We had practically the same conver sation regarding those two proofs, the following day, July 3rd. Mr. O'Malley suggested a few changes on the second one, Exhibit 26. He looked it over and suggested that I cut out "This issue of the American Socialist is confined to a bare recital of these facts in order to insure that it may reach its readers." I said alright, I would cut it out. He also suggested that the blank columns on the back be filled up with socialist propaganda not having anything to do with the war and said if that were done it would be accepted for mailing. Later over the telephone he asked me to cut out the words "now in grave danger of sup pression," and I cut them out. And the paper went to press and was published and sent out in this form. The Government lawyers had a four-page paper. there was only two pages sent out, nationally, although in Chicago four að ditional pages were made and the six-page paper issued. By mistake or other wise the Government lawyers took two additional pages from the Chicag edition. Mr. Duncan Smith was the editor of the Chicago edition; Mr. Bot Page business manager; I had no control over either of them, nor they over me The issue of July 14th was submitted in proof to Mr. O'Mal ley and numerous changes made at his suggestion, after fresh proofs showing

those changes had been submitted, it was sent out just as the issue of 1021 July 7th, with the approval of the Second Class Department of the Post

ffice in Chicago. The next issue was gotten out by Mr. Tucker in my abence in Washington. There was an executive committee meeting in Chicago, I the regular members of the National Executive Committee, Work, Hillquit, erger and Anna Maley, I don't think Mr. Spargo was there, and I suppose dolph Germer as secretary; Mrs. Brown was secretary and Mr. Clarence arrow and Mr. Stedman, who had taken Mr. Spargo's place. I went to Wash

66

ington after that. I met there Frank P. Walsh, Amos Pinchot, Morris Hillquit, Seymour Stedman, Clarence S. Darrow, Fanny Witherspoon, Tom Hickey and Julian Pierce. At the committee meeting in Chicago The Price We Pay," "Why You Should Fight," and other pamphlets were submitted by the executive secretary and were discussed, and we took them also to Washington. (Document of July 7th marked Defendant's Exhibit 27.)

This paper has been paid for, if not by you, then by some one who wants yo to read it.

No. 244 If No. 245 appears on your address label, your address label, you subscription expires next week. Do not fail to renew.

"Our Birthday" Sub Blank Will Be Found On Page Two

Vol. III. No. 52. (Allied Printing Trades Council label) 304. Chicago, Sater day, July 7, 1917. 25 Cents For Six Months; 50 Cents Per Year; $1 Per Year Outside United States

A Statement To Our Readers

The Edition of June 30th, of The American Socialist, our Liberty Edition, has been held up by the postal authorities in Chicago pending investigation and report by the Solicitor General of the postal department at Washington as to whether it is mailable.

For this reason many subscribers have not received their paper. We are stil hoping to have this issue declared mailable and hope to have this and future issues, in regular form, go out as usual.

Our paper will be published regularly. Every effort will be made to comply with the law and at the same time issue a publication that will be a credit to the Socialist movement. There should be no let-up in getting subscriptions. We must continue to rely entirely on your efforts in increasing our army of readers, now as always.

Our Liberty Edition, so far as we have been able to learn, is being held up by the postal department on the following grounds:

First: The issue of June 16th, was declared to be unmailable, under the act of June 15, 1917. This decision was not reached until June 30th, two weeks after the offending issue had gone thru the mails. There is a ruling of the postal dpartment, however, that when any issue of any publication is held to be unmailable, all subsequent issues are under suspicion, and must be held up until a decision is reached by the Washington authorities. This may not be for several days or weeks. From the ruling of the Solicitor General of the post office department there is no appeal except to congress.

Second: One objection to the issue of June 16th, according to such informa tion as we have been able to get, was that it carried an advertisement of the leaflet. "The Price We Pay." This leaflet, unknown to us, had been declared to be unmailable under the act of June 15, 1917, known as the Espionage Law. This decision was received by the Chicago post office, June 22, but was not communicated to us. We knew nothing whatever about this post office decision. but proceeding on the strength of several opinions from federal district at torneys in various parts of the country, had assumed that they were correct in holding that the leaflet was unobjectionable. Not having been notified that there was anything wrong with the leaflet in the eyes of the government, we have continued to advertise and circulate it. In view of the post office ruling now that it has been made known to us, "The Price We Pay" will not here after be advertised in The American Socialist, and no mention will be made of it.

Third: We have also been informed that the whole " spirit" and "tone" c the issue of June 16th, is contrary to the "spirit" of the act of June 15th. This act, in so far as it applies to the mails, is herewith reproduced:

Sec. 2.

Amendments to Postal Laws and Regulations.

Order No. 431.

Washington, June 16, 1917

The Postal Laws and Regulations of 1913 is hereby amended by the additio of the following as Section 4811.

1. Every letter, writing, circular, postal card, picture, print, engraving photograph, newspaper, pamphlet, book, or other publication, matter, or thing of any kind, in violation of any of the provisions of this act (Act of June 1 1917, Espionage Bill), is hereby declared to be nonmailable matter and sha