aterial and get special articles; each department of the organization was ntitled to certain space in the paper, and my duties were to get all this matter ogether, write articles, editorials, make up the paper and see that it went n the press and out to its readers. The circulation manager took care of ae subscriptions and circulation; we have had several, including Mr. Tucker and Mr. Branstetter. 93 I first met Victor L. Berger in Milwaukee in 1910; have been acquainted with Adolph Germer about the same time, met him at a United Mine Vorkers of America convention at Indianapolis in January, 1910; have known St. John Tucker about three years. Saw Berger about two or three times a ear in 1917. I made a report for our paper to the Executive Committee meetngs, nearly always a written report; saw Berger at other times besides the Executive Committee meetings, occasionally he would drop into the office when e came to Chicago. I have had no discussion about the policy of the paper with Berger, or Tucker, or Germer or Kruse. I have known Kruse since 1915. never told Arnold Schiller that I was going to back up his convention, or the Young People's convention. There was absolutely no relation at all between he Young Peoples organization and the paper except that it was entitled to about one-third or one-half a column to put in notes of the various activities of the leagues over the country, when one was organized they put in a note about it. When the paper started we had about five such departments; during 1917 we had three. I did not hear Mr. Tucker say, about June 16, 1917, when Germer and Kruse and I were in the office and Schiller came in, anything to the effect that he was writing an article and would get hell from the Department of Justice for it; Mr. Tucker does not use that kind of language. I never heard any article discussed in the presence of those persons at any time. 094 Mr. Tucker was employed on the paper in June, 1917, and worked for us a couple of months, not under my supervision, I had nothing to do with that and nothing to do with hiring him. He was in the Literature Department; as editor I received all the contributions, including "The Price We Pay." I received that about the last day of April. I published the St. Louis war proclamation, and attended at the St. Louis convention. I was not a delegate, had nothing to do with shaping the proclamation. I approved the underlying princi ples of the platform, and approve of them now. I read "Down with War," also the poems Dip the Flag to Half Mast" and "Show the Flag" before publishing them. The policy of the paper was to maintain the position of the International Socialist movement on the war; that is, that the main cause of the war is rivalry between the two big dominating groups of nations, and the building up by them of tremendous armaments; that the fundamental cause of war is economic, and that individual ownership and abolition of the profit system is the only way to abolish all war. Socialists stand for the public ownership of industries by all the people, and by the abolition of private ownership they hope to establish a system where the products of industry are manufac tured for the use of all the people, and not to make profits for the few. I went to the Post Office here and went to Washington in regard to mailing privileges. Some of our subscribers to the Chicago edition telephoned me to see why they did not receive their paper. On June 30, 1917, to find out why some of our subscribers were not receiving the paper, I called up Mr. O'Malley, superin tendent of second class mail, and he said they were holding up that issue 995 in the Post Office here in Chicago. We had a special edition that week and had put about 200,000 copies into the mails when we found that the issue was being held up. Mr. Tucker and I went to the office of Mr. O'Malley and inquired why the copies were being detained in the Post Office; he said he was not at liberty to give me any information, all he could do was to give me a copy of the Postal order that he had to follow. Then we inquired about the next week's edition, whether it would be alright if we put a statement on the front page of the next issue, get out a two page issue, that the issue of June 30th is being detained; he said after some discussion he would look over the proofs of the paper, and I wrote out the statement to the readers of the paper and had it set up in paged form. At that conversation he said we could get information from the Third Class Department, having volunteered the information that there had been some trouble about sending "The Price We Pay through the mails. So Mr. Tucker and I went to see Mr. Downey, who at first said he could not give us any information, and he finally showed us an order that had been issued against "The Price We Pay" and he also had a package of the leaflets that had been held up in Chicago Heights; Mr. O'Malley and Mr. Downey stated that the copies of that leaflet and of the June 30th issue of the American Socialist had been sent to Washington for the decision of the Post Office authorities. I asked Mr. Downey if the action taken against "T Price We Pay" meant that we could not send any more of the leaflets throug the mails or advertise it any more; and he said that was up to us. 996. The American Socialist was started just a week or two before the w started in Europe. In the issue of August 8, 1914, is an article heade "Down with War!" Is Growing Demand of the Workers. Said article w read by the witness as follows: 997 "Down With the War," Is Growing Demand of the Workers. The history of the International Socialist party is the story of the work ing class war against war. This story is told by George Allan England in s pamphlet on "International Conciliation," as follows: As far back as the days of '70 and '71, the French and German Socialis sought to bridge the bloody chasm wtth a fraternal handclasp, but failed, for their paucity of numbers rendered them impotent. In the cannon roar of Metz, Sedan and Paris, their voices were drowned. But the blood-soaked soil of France revitalized the ideal. And not once since then have the dogs of Mars bayed, without a sturdy contra-bass from the Se cialists: "Thou Shalt Not Kill." At the time of the Russo-Japanese war, Socialists from these two coun tries met and interchanged pledges of peace. In the days of greatest stress and hostility between the ruling classes of England and Germany, English and German Socialists exchanged fraternal greetings and promises of "imme diate action," in case of war. Many well informed students of political econ omy believe that this action poured much oil on the stormy seas. 998 To quote from my article, " International Socialist As a Political Force." "In time of war the International Socialist Brussels Bureau has sev eral times put a damper on hostilities by proclaiming the identity of interests between the working classes of the countries involved. "Once this work can be thoroughly completed, war will end; for without the proletariat to fight, war becomes a physical impossibility. This is anti-militar ism, the thing that ranks on a par with Socialism itself in Kaiser Wilhelm's denunciation as 'an international pest.' "From the viewpoint of royalty the Bureau is without doubt very trouble some. At the time of the Algeciras affair, the kaiser was summarily plucked back from what might have been a decided glorious and successful war with France by the stand taken at Brussels-the threat of a general strike if hostilities began-and the war talk had to be abandoned. "Norway and Sweden effected their recent separation without bloodshed. through the intervention of Brussels. And when the czar begged men and money from his cousins in Germany and Austria to crush revolution within his borders, he ran fair into an effective, organized opposition from Brussels which immediately cooled the good offices of his confreres. The argument of the general strike proves a most effective deterrent of the war spirit of the ruling classes." 999 Since these words were written Spain has been engaged in a filibuster ing North African expedition, as has Italy; and the Balkan-Turkish war has been fought. In all three cases the Socialists have been busy, making war upon war. Their activities have distinctly limited the scope of hostilities, and have inhibited the far-reaching complicatons that, three decades ago, would have been sure to follow. Many thousands of Europeans, I believe, are today alive and whole, many thousands of families still have bread-winners, and sundry national debts are smaller than they otherwise would have been, because the Social-Democracy has peremptorily set its face against war. As I write these lines the United States and Mexico are involved in an im broglio, in which many lives have already been lost. The Socialists of this country, co-operating with such Socialist sentiment as can be found in Mexico, are holding numerous protest meetings, publishing many articles, and in general exerting themselves to proclaim the real character of the struggle as one affecting only capitalism, and are calling on the working class not to fight battles in the interests of the capitalist class. 1000 The National Office of the Socialist Party has issued a stirring antiwar proclamation. Any dispassionate judgment must admit that this influence is having due weight in allaying the irritation and in keeping the eace. The contrast between the war fever of 1898 and the present public pathy is marked. Socialists claim, I believe with justice, that their long ears of peace propaganda have been a factor in the change of sentiment. 001 I have here also a short article stating part of the declaration of the Socialist Peace Conference in Basle, Switzerland, in 1913, headed Workers of Germany, France and England Must Halt War," which is as follows: 002 The American Socialist, Chicago, Saturday, August 8, 1914. Workers of Germany, France and England Must Halt War. Humanity is looking to the workers of Germany, France and Great Britain o somewhat abate the horrors of the catastrophic war into which all Europe ow seems to be plunging headlong. International Socialism has already recognized the strategic position held by he workers of these countries. In the declaration of the International Social st Peace Congress, held at Basel, Switzerland, in November, 1912, during the Balkan war, we find the following: The most important task of the International Socialist movement falls on he working class of Germany, France and Great Britain, to demand from their governments an understanding to refuse all support to either Austria or Russia and to abstain from all intervention in the Balkan troubles and in every respect co observe a strict neutrality. A war between the three great nations over an outlet to the sea, concerning which Austria and Servia are in dispute, would be criminal madness. The workers of Germany and France do not recognize that any secret treaties necessitate the duty of interference in the Balkan conflict. 1003 If, however, as a consequence of the military defeat of Turkey, the downfall of the Ottoman power in Asia Minor became inevitable, it would be the duty of British, French and German Socialists to oppose with all their strength the policy of conquest of Asia Minor, since the result would nevitably be a world war. The congress is of the opinion that the greatest danger to European peace is the artificially entertained animosity between Great Britain and Germany. The congress therefore congratulates the working classes of the two countries for their efforts to improve the situation. It believes that the best means of removing friction would be an understanding between Germany and Great Britain concerning the arrest of the increase of their respective navies and the suppression of cauture of private property at sea. The congress invites the Socialists of Great Britain and Germany to continue their agitation to realize this understanding. To overcome all outstanding differences between Germany on the one side and Great Britain on the other, would be to remove the greatest danger to international peace. 1004 It would weaken the mighty position of czardom, now trying to strengthen itself, owing to these differences. It would make impossible an attack on Servia by Austria, and would finally secure peace to the world. To this end all the efforts of the international Socialists movement must be directed. The congress declares the foregoing to be the policy of the international Socialists and expects all affiliated organizations to agree in upholding these principles of foreign policy. It invites the working men of all countries to pit against the might of capitalism the international solidarity of the working class. It wants the ruling classes in all countries to put an end to the economic misery produced by the capitalist system, and not to increase it by warlike action. It insists on the demand for peace. Government must not forget that in the present condition of Europe and the present feeling of the workers, war will not be without disaster to themselves. They must remember that the Franco-German war resulted in the revolutionary movement of the Commune; that the Russo-Japanese war put into motion the revolutionary movement in Russia; that the rival armaments.competition have in England increased conflicts, and on the continent pro1005 voked enormous strikes. It would be madness if the governments did not comprehend that the mere notion of a world war will call forth indignation and passion among the workers. The latter consider it a crime to shoot down each other in t interest and for the profit of capitalism, for the sake of dynastic honor and e diplomatic secret treaties. If the governments interrupt the possibility of regular development of the people and thereby provoke desperate steps, they will have to take the who responsibility. The international organization will redouble its efforts to avert such a crisis. and spread its views more energetically. The congress requests the International Socialist Bureau to follow events with redoubled attention, and whar ever happens, to keep up communications and relations between the proletarian parties of every country. The proletariat is aware that on them at the present moment rests the future welfare of humanity, and will use all its efforts to prevent the destra tion of the youth of the nations menaced by all the horrors of enormous massacre, famine and sickness. 1006 I have here the official anti-war proclamation of the German Socialis on the eve of the war, which is as follows: Germans Cheer for International Brotherhood Already the fields of the Balkans are soaked with blood of thousands of murdered victims and are smoking with the ruins of desolated cities and devastated villages; already hungry, workless men, widowed women and orphaned children are wandering through the land, and already Austrian imperialism has released the fury of war, to bring death and destruction over all Europe. While we condemn the motives of the imperial-Servian Nationalists, we also raise the sharpest protest against the war-provoking attitude of the AustroHungarian government. The demands of this country were the most bruta! that have ever been directed against an independent government in the history of the world, and they can only have been designed to provoke an immediate war. The class-conscious proletariat of Germany raises a flaming protest in the name of humanity and culture against the criminal incitements of the war maniacs. It demands imperatively of the German government that it use its influence upon the Austrian government to maintain peace, and that in case a shameful war can not be avoided that it shall refuse all warlike interference. Not a single drop of German blood shall be sacrificed to the power hunger of the Austrian despots in the interest of imperial profits. Party comrades, we call you to great mass meetings in which to give expression to the unshakable demand for peace by the class-conscious proletariat. A solemn hour is at hand, more solemn than has come during the last de cade. Danger is pressing. The world war threatens. The ruling classes that in peace have enslaved you, despised you, exploited you, would now abuse you as cannon fodder. Everywhere we must sound in the ears of the despots: -Central Com., German Socialist Party. 1007 That was dated August 4th and is published in the American Socialist of August 15th. This appeared in the German Berlin Vorwaerts of July 25th. The next I have is to the workers and comrades, the heading being "Austrians Pledge Lives to Work of Civilization, and is as follows: Austrians Pledge Lives to Work of Civilization "Workers and Comrades: "We speak to you in a solemn moment. The danger of a war with Servis grows more threatening, and even before this day has ended, it is possible that war may be declared. The Austrian government has sent an ultimatum to Servia, the answer to which is demanded with the alternative of a bloody conflict by 6 p. m. Saturday. "Peace now hangs by a single thread, and if that thread is broken, that is to say, if Servia does not accept the conditions fixed by Austria-Hungary, then war will be declared-war with its horrors, its afflictions and its sorrows. Everywhere it will be the masses of the people who will be called upon to suffer its terrible expenses and its fatal consequences." After denouncing the assassination of the crown price, and stating that the Socialists are at all times opposed to such methods, the manifesto continues: "We are convinced that all that the Austro-Hungarian government requires o maintain its position may be obtained by peaceful methods. But even if this s not possible there is no necessity or consideration of prestige of a great ower which forces it to break the ties of peaceful relations. “For this reason we, as representatives of the Austrian working class, delare that we do not wish to accept the responsibility for this war with all that t involves, with all its terrible consequences which may follow upon those who ake the fatal decision of provoking such a war." The manifesto then indicts the Austrian autocracy for its violation of the ights of parliamentary government, of personal liberty and freedom of the ress, and adds: "We know how terrible is the misery among the masses produced by the long economic crisis; we know in what dark situation the masses of the people now ind themselves, and we know the despair that reigns among the people. "That is why we raise our voice in warning, that we counsel circumspection, and that we demand that the needs and the lives of the people be taken into account. "The people do not have the power to decide for peace or war. The Parliament, by which they speak and act, is dumb. Political liberty and freedom of speech and assembly is bound in chains. "In the presence of this grave and fatal hour we raise our voice to cry to the people: Peace is the most precious good of humanity, the greatest necessity of nations.' "We decline all responsibility for this war. We declare solemnly and formally that that responsibility rests upon those on both sides of the frontier who have wished to provoke it and release its horrors. "We are a part of the conscious union of the workers of the entire world, including our Socialist comrades of Servia. Solemnly we declare ourselves devoted to the work of civilization, to international Socialism, and to this work we pledge our devotion in life even unto death." 1008 I have here the proclamation of the British Socialist, entitled "British Ask All to Stand Together for Peace," signed by J. Kier Hardie and Arthur Henderson. The heading is "British Ask All to Stand Together for Peace," which I will read, as follows: The American Socialist British Ask All to Stand Together for Peace (Here is the stirring anti-war declaration of the British section of the International Socialist party, comprising the Labor party, the Independent Labor party and the British Socialist party): The long-threatened European war is now upon us. For more than 100 years no such danger has confronted civilization. It is for you to take full account of the desperate situation and to act promptly and vigorously in the interest of peace. You have never been consulted about the war. Whatever may be the rights and wrongs of the sudden, crushing attack made by the militarist empire of Austria upon Servia, it is certain that the workers of all countries likely to be drawn into the conflict must strain every nerve to prevent their governments from committing them to war. Everywhere Socialists and the organized forces of labor are taking this course. Everywhere vehement protests are made against the greed and in. trigues of militarists and armament-mongers. We call upon you to do the same here in Great Britain upon an even more impressive scale. Hold vast demonstrations against war in every industrial center. Compel those of the governing class and their press who are eager to commit you to co-operate with Russian despotism to keep silence and respect the decision of the overwhelming majority of the people, who will have neither part nor lot in such infamy. The success of Russia at the present day would be a curse to the world. There is no time to lose. Already, by secret agreements and understandings, of which the democracies of the civilized world know only by rumor, steps are being taken which may fling us all into the fray. Workers, stand together therefore for peace! Combine and conquer the militarist enemy and the self-seeking imperialists today, once and for all. |