"(2) That the government immediately give out a clear and definite stateent of what the United States is fighting for, and the terms upon which it ll make peace.

6

Comment:

"We believe such meetings will be a great help in reaching the people. The rpose cannot be called merely obstructive. These are subjects upon which ere can be and must be constructive action, and in which the people at large are immediately interested. Neither are the demands extreme, but they will commend themselves to the average man. July Fourth, Independence Day, is admirably suited to the purpose, because of its historic associaons, because practically all of the workers have a holiday, and because it will ve us over a month to make arrangements and get co-operation with other ganizations. By using The American Socialist to boost the meetings, and so using the meetings to boost the paper, we will be building up our party ess, and will enliven the spirit of our members."

Fraternally submitted,

Executive Secretary.
Per B. H. B.

37

Cross-Examination by Mr. Cunnea.

I went over with this subpoena early in December of last year. Mr. Kruse esitated slightly about complying with the subpoena. We talked it over and e gave them to us. He (Kruse) said he thought there was something illegal r wrong about the subpoena. But there was no difficulty.

(Whereupon there was offered and received in evidence article found on he editorial page of the Milwaukee Leader Monday, May 14, 1917, entitled The Prize of War" by Joseph E. Cohen, as Exhibit 99, and the same is in words and figures as follows, to wit:)

568

To exhibits numbers 99, 100, and 101 the defendants objected to, as immaterial, incompetent, and not a part of the res jesta and not connected with any of the defendants. The court overruled said objection and allowed each of the defendants, an exception.

GOV. EX. 99.

Prize of War.

By Joseph E. Cohen.

The war in which this nation is now engaged began with the assassination of an Austrian gentleman by a Serbian gentleman. This is mentioned purely as an historical incident. Otherwise it is of absolutely no consequence.

Following from this incident is this sequence: That no end of pretexts have been offered telling how this cataclysm came to break, where it is tending and what it has in store for the world. And this sequence is of exactly the same weight and importance as the historical incident just mentioned.

When Serbia and Austria, when the czar and the kaiser began debating the merits of this case-which was the protector of small nations, which the conserver of democracy? In what manner was and is this war different from all previous wars, that economic interests go by the board, and political bulwarks alone are to reared? Is it not high time the veil were moved from before us— us in America most particularly-and we faced this case as one of brute strength in the most material crash for economic interests in all the ages?

To be sure there is plenty of ghost chasing. Denizens of the spirit world are being wafted into our midst, as happens in every period of gross materialism. But these spirits have no message for the living world half so hard and fast as that this is the most real of worlds.

And before we go any further, let us give the war a name. One's national pride does not have to be supremely elastic to hold that the wit and wisdom of President Wilson, in this crisis, compares favorably with "the trifles light as air" of the rainbow tinted papers, the interchangeable notes, issued by the other governments. Posterity, not lacking a sense of humor, will bag the lot together under the label "Homilies of Polonious."

What would Polonious have said under like circumstances? Verily, that this is not a war upon the German people, but upon their government. What

a greater truth is it this is not a war upon the German people by the America people? The American people have not declared war; they have yet to sanctio it. Up to this time they are to be drafted into war. The supposition h been that they elected Mr. Wilson because "he kept us out of war."

Here a divergence is permissable, even if most labored and abstract. It s this: Since reluctant Mr. Wilson forced us into war a month after he taste his second inaugural cup of coffee, it is not plausible to suppose that had Mr Hughes been elected his judicial mind would not have tolerated such precipitate haste and that we might have been kept out of war for a week or two longer? However that speculation may be, we are at war with the imperial govern ment of Germany. It is pitted against us, and we are the champions of libera! institutions. We are out to "make the world a safe place for democracy" How seriously does the imperial German government take us? Well, how seriously should we be taken, when in all but 17 states the women folk are disfranchised while, more than half a century after the war which was meant to free the negro he is still a political peon in the section of the country which is unalterably for the party of Mr. Wilson?

Would it be a bad idea, as we set out to find a footstool for democracy in alien lands if we make sure it has a place to rest in under our own soil? And could there be a better time for the enfranchisement of our dependent sex and race than right now?

The people of America are called upon to enter the lists against the people of Germany, to give their sons, their brothers, their fathers, to send them forth by the millions to the tune of martial music, to the flying of fresh flags, to the inspiration of fond farewells. And the people of America must expect to see the remnants return, broken in body and shattered in mind when they do return And they must expect to see only a thinned line return. Behind them will sink the long and lonesome trail to those who will not return.

No, it is not a war upon the German people. Nor is it a war by the American people. But none other except the people in these two countries will do the fighting and meet the cost.

And if the American people have not brought the war, and if the war is being fought for democracy, what makes it so? If the American people have not brought the war, then the capitalist class in America has brought the war. They it is who have given the nation its battle cry. Is it possible they have driven us into war against their own economic interests?

To ask this question is to answer it. No such unselfish sacrifice is apparent: our course is not illuminated by any glimmer of altruism from that quarter. The contest for democracy, judging from appearances, is not counter to Ameri can plutocracy, but is keepng step with it. Incongruous? Inconceivable that our colossal financial depotism should be the midwife of political liberty? The contradiction is inevitable and insuperable. The sword is now mightier than the pen. Mr. Wilson's flourish of "new freedom" finds its readiest exponent in J. Pierpont Morgan, armorer and financier. The hand is Mr. Wilson's, but the voice is Mr. Morgan's. This is King Morgan's war.

The czar has abdicated, the kaiser may be stripped of his power, King George exists only by hearsay, but this is not the end of autocracy. These are but the figureheads, the moving picture actors of monarchy. Mr. Morgan is a real king. Until he quits autocracy is supreme.

Let us make this distinction exact between a governing class and a ruling class, between the czar and Mr. Morgan. For whoever may this day or on the morrow govern the European countries, particularly those of the allies, their ruling class is to an extent here in America, consisting of the holders of large blocks of the war loan bonds. It is very important to know this for many

reasons.

It explains, what has been said so often, why Mr. Morgan wanted us to enter the war. We are underwriting his securities. We are vouching protection to our American grown exploiters in their coming spoliation of the European people. We are doing our bit to keep the gold standard intact, and so maintain gold at its present value for the sake of those in America who are collecting the world's gold supply. And we are fighting that the European nations may not repudiate their loans. It is an instance of "money or your life." and w are asked to give our life to spare Mr. Morgan his money.

This, then, is King Morgan's war, because if it goes his way it will make him an international monarch. That is precisely what we are called upon to go to war about. Let us make no mistake. It may be all the war for democ racy we shall witness.

It should be no surprise that the formula for making the world safe for mocracy is like this: Take one good sized, able-bodied war. Create one if essary, but choose one to hand since it is a time and labor saver in breaking ur people to discipline, claiming the experience of those in the war for the irpations desired. Cut your policy with a firm hand and a keen blade. point dictators for press, labor, food, munitions and military and naval 'ces. Condemn any diverging form or criticism of your course as treason. hatever measure of autocracy you achieve, be sure to affirm that you acts are ose of a patron saint in the sacred cause of democracy. It will fool no one, t it sounds well in quiting what fragment remains of your own conscience. It Il surely suffice for that.

We are going off to war-for democracy? Can not Germany and England In the table on us by asking what are our peace terms? Have we any, in name of humanity? Can anyone be brought to believe that the ocean is w safer for American travel because we have entered the war? Where is › sister ship of the Lusitania to brave the sea? Where are the American men and children who will now leave port, war having been declared? What es are we going to save by our endeavor against Germany? In what way shall ⚫ atone for those heretofore sent to a watery grave? And how are they to recompensed who shall mourn in the months and years to come for the dear es snatched from them in war? When we reach peace, what shall we have ined for democracy?

We are going off to war-with $7,000,000,000 in our pockets. Seven billion llars burning to be spent. You recall how Ben Franklin emptied his pockets pennies to buy a whistle he wanted, whistle worth a penny. How much mocracy will we buy with our $7,000,000,000?

Most of us remember how bravely the nation went off to war in 1898, for uba libre." If the German kaiser is now a barbarian, the Spanish king was en a monster. So we fought to free Cuba, and we freed her, too, even to the tent of annexing the Philippine islands. Our unalloyed love of liberty was angely bound up with our need for commercial expansion. We added a new ord to our vocabulary of democracy-Imperialism.

With this word snug in our democratic lexicon and more especially, having und our place in the tropical sun comfortable enough, American statesmanip helped to batter down the Chinese wall and, whether by fraud, coercion or rchase, acquired island colonies at points of strategic importance for our world ade. And the only pains we went to with regard to their management was see to it that they became very unsafe for democracy.

Is it not passing strange how those governments, which have been most aricious in swallowing smaller peoples, come to the front in war time as eir savior? Fresh from plundering the Boers, to say nothing of continually ort-changing Ireland on home rule, England now poses as the guardian of eeding Belgium. Mark how England has put herself out to safeguard Belum. First she appropriated the German colonies scattered over the earth. s a consequence, for the duration of the war at least Belgium is safe from vasion by these colonies. Next England sent an expedition to the Dardales, possibly because the exiled Byron found solace in the "Isles of Greece" til England should reclaim them, which she is now doing by overthrowing e king there. At this writing the British forces are valiantly protecting elgium by holding Salonika. And by no means least, if last, England also nt men to Flanders to post American re-enforcements.

To the novice this may seem a very roundabout way of helping her allies. it those who know how England has behaved in former wars will no doubt derstand.

France's portion in the war has been that of the silent partner, like Candida Shaw's play of that time, who does the uncomfortable chores at the back or for her preacher husband while he attends to the parlor receptions imself. The explanation for the French sacrifice is now clear enough. France's relation to England during the last century has veered from that rival to that of vassal. She stepped in to assist us in our revolution in der to divide English dominion on this side of the ocean. French colonizaon here having been a failure, and her government being bankrupt. Then she old, or rather ceded, the Louisiana territory to us for the same reason. Unortunately, Napoleon, instead of extending her empire across the earth, undid er. Since he and his nephew, Napoleon the Little, went under, France has en too busy digesting her home cooking to be bothered much about foreign

pastry. One of the disclosures recently made was the revelation that she a not the financial angel of Russia; that not French francs but English pounds sterling tamed the great bear into the entente cordial. So true is this the the czar's bureaucracy may have lent itself to the blandishments of the Ge mans, not as much because it is one with junkerdom, as that the czar had been converted to the nation of war debt repudiation and anticipated the ge eral trend in this direction by doing a little repudiating on his own account. Possibly Elihu Root can discharge the mission of firing Russia with a sense of obligation to the debts accumulated in her name by those who have plu dered her. Taming the lightning would seem to be child's play by contrast. It is very plain that the war simmers down to a contest between England and Germany, old age against youth, for economic power. All else is part of the same, and we have chosen our side for most unmixed motives. We are strapped to England because she is our natural ally, natural in the commercial sense the only sense which counts in matters of state. We have strapped ourselves to her because we prefer to be her friend than her enemy. Certain enough we as a nation had precious little to say as to whether we liked being bound to our step-mother. The firm of Morgan and company looked after that and at tended to the details. The frequent trips of the Morgans, senior and junior, to England fixed the terms.

Prior to our preparedness and conscription games, we had the sins of militarism dinned into our ears because that was Germany's virtue. Having outlet on the ocean, she had to throw herself across land, and went in for land warfare, militarism. She went in for militarism just as England went in for navalism. If such questions could be decided in the abstract, would not the balance be against England as the greater menace to world trade? Still, as not abstract reasoning, but concrete interest, fall upon the scales, Germany was bound to be outlawed. England's blockade of Germany was a stroke of naval genius; Germany's blockade of England was a crime. In interfered with our business.

669

To Be Continued Tomorrow.

(Whereupon there was offered and received in evidence editorial in Milwaukee Leader found on the editorial page first column edition of July 18, 1917, entitled "Another Loan," as Government's Exhibit 100, and the same is in words and figures as follows, to wit:)

670

GOVERNMENT'S EXHIBIT 100.

Another Loan?

It was originally announced that this was to be a pay-as-you-go war. But, for some reason not very hard to seek, that idea seems to have been lost in the shuffle. Naturally, it would not suit the plutocrats to have it financed in that manner. They would have to cough up. And they would not have bushels of bonds with which to rake in unearned shekels in the future. There is now talk of another loan. It is expected that it will be a $3,000,000,000 one this time.

Thus the pay-as-you-go idea is to be allowed to continue to be lost in the shuffle, and the war is to be both fought and financed by the poor.

Or, at least, that is the plan.

But plans do not always work out as intended.

We realize the futility of expostulating with the powers that be. It is useless to urge them to return to the pay-as-you-go plan.

We shall therefore content ourselves with quoting to them a plank from the Socialist party platform, adopted at the recent convention and now being voted upon by the membership. It is short and sweet: "Repudiation of war debts."

We believe the sentiment therein expressed will gain rather wide popularity as time goes on.

671

(Whereupon there was offered and received in evidence as Govern ment's Exhibit 101, article found on page 2 of the Milwaukee Leader. dated August 7, 1917, column 5, entitled "Socialists will give Chautauqua here August 11-16, and the same is in words and figures as follows, to wit:)

1

2

GOVERNMENT'S EXHIBIT 101.

Socialists Will Give Chautauqua Here Aug. 11 to 16.

Speakers of Nation-Wide Reputation Will Augment Pabst Park Program.

The first annual National Lincoln chautauqua combined with Socialist picnics, nrencing Saturday and running six days, will open with an address by iyor Daniel W. Hoan in the chautaukua tent, Pabst Park at 2 P. M. Among ose who will appear on Saturday's programs are Tom Corwine, Kentucky, tolph Germer, National Secretary of the Socialist Party, Chicago, and Chief han, who will deliver a lecture entitled From Savagry to Civilization, outing thrilling story as told by a real Indian.

Lehane Coming.

Sunday afternoon and night Lehane of New York will talk and William F. use, National Secretary of the Young Peoples Leagues of America, will deer a lecture during the afternoon and Nels Darling, Oklahoma, together with e American Opera quartet, composed of four soloists of national reputation, ll be on the Sunday afternoon and night program.

Monday, which will be known as Woman's Suffrage Day, Miss Mary Mcwell, University Settlement, Chicago, will be the start attraction. Miss ma Beck and Mr. and Mrs. Adolph Hahn will render vocal and musical imbers, together with Arthur Kachel in the Music Master, Monday night hn M. Work, Chicago, will deliver his message on Democracy Begins at

ome.

Korngold Will Speak.

Miss McDowell who will deliver the afternoon address on Woman's Suffrage mes here under the auspices of the Milwaukee County Suffrage Assn. Tuesday, Niles Hussar, Band, together with, Prof. Eaton of the University ! Wisconsin and Ralph Korngold, Silver Spring, Mich., will be the leading attractions. This day has been set aside for mothers' and children's '3 day, and every child who appears with its parents or guardians will be admitted to the chautauqua free during the afternoon.

Wednesday afternoon the Socialist Woman's Picnic will be held and eanette Fennimore Korngold, Silver Springs, Mich., will deliver a Socialist cture both in the afternoon and at night. In addition, there will be a splend program furnished by the Weller Cook Co. who will furnish a musical tertainment and also Crayon drawings, Miss Beatrice Weller being a leading irtoonist.

Lecture On India.

Mohammand Ali, a charming Oriental, will deliver a lecture on India's illions, and will conduct a question box. At night in addition to the regular rogram William Sterling Battis will give a portrayal of Dickens characters. For the last day of the chautauqua Rev. Irwin St. John Tucker, Chicago, ill deliver a lecture on Why Socialism Is Coming. Dr. Ida Landrith, a imous southern orator, will be here on that day. In addition to these numers there will be Miss Tuitt, director and leader of the Lyceum Arts. The ading attractions for Thursday night will be Judge A. C. Backus, who will alk on A Duty We Owe to the Unfortunates.

It is expected that many will attend every performance and take in every ecture during the six days. This is the first time an attempt of this kind as been made in Milwaukee and every effort should be made by those who re in favor of good, clean educational entertainment to back up this first ndertaking by giving their co-operation by attending each and every per

ormance.

74 EARL E. DOLE, called as a witness on behalf of the Government testified as follows:

Direct Examination by Mr. Fleming.

I live in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, am connected with Department of Justice; ave been so identified for 19 months. I know Victor L. Berger and Irwin Tucker. I remember Tucker giving an address on July 9, 1917, at Milwaukee.