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and before they were permitted to speak they must receive recognition from the chair. He said that in earlier times the members of the body did not have chairs, they merely had benches to sit upon. Then he said that this was further signified in the chair that is upon the throne. He said that this is upon a still higher platform than from the throne. He said it was from this

high chair of the Monarch that the actions of the nations had been ruled, 430 but he said “The time has come when authority is changing from the

throne of the Monarch and from the chair of bodies to those who sit around on their own kitchen chairs, but we are at war. They tell us that we are at war with a great military machine in Germany. But I want to say to you that we had a military machine in this country as well. We have no cause to be in this war. There is nothing for us to gain by this war. President Wilson had no right to send our troops to France. Then, with a sneer he said, “They tell us we are fighting for a principle, but you folks are the ones who are furnishing the boys to shed their blood in the trenches, and you folks are the ones who are paying the bills and will pay the debts when this war is over. This is a capitalists war and is run solely in the interests of the capitalists. They have been conscripting men for the war. The time will come when labor will conscript capital for its uses. He said Bolshevism was the ideal form of Government; this is the movement which is to usher in the new era. It has already brought about a revolution in Russia. This will make itself felt in

Germany will spread to the United States, and will sweep over and 431 conquer this country. The time has come when each individual should

sit around on his own kitchen chair and determine what should be done, and then act." And when this was done the new era would be ushered in.

Cross-Examination by Mr. Stedman.

He said that Postmaster General Burleson had handled the matters of the postal system in a very arbitrary manner; that he had excluded from the mails all newspapers that did not publish just the articles that he liked. He said that Secretary McAdoo had received his position, not because of his efficiency, but because he was a son-in-law of the president; and he should be called the Mikado, the son-in-law of Heaven, and that was the term he used throughout the remainder of his address. He said, who is Herbert Hoover that he should tell you and me and our children what we ought to eat and what we ought not to eat? Why, he has told us to cook our potatoes with the peelings on, and he will be telling us to eat the peelings and boil rocks to make soup. I don't remember that he referred or quoted front the American Bankers Association in referring to the cooking of potatoes. He did not say it referred to a full page ad. I do not remember that he referred to Amos Pinchot. He discussed Mr. Hoover under the head of the President's

Cabinet. I feel hostile to the character of his address. I disapproved 432 of this speech very much. I felt hostile to his (Tucker's) attitude. I

inferred that he did not believe in this war. I believe in Jesus. I believe in Blessed are the Peacemakers." I believe in war. I do not remember any quotation that he gave from Secretary McAdoo. I read a short portion of his speech in one of the papers.. I ant testifying from my independent recollection. I discussed it with many people afterwards. I belong to the American Protective League, and the Vigilance Corps. I am not very active in the Vigilance Committee. I joined some time before Christmas. I don't remember that Mr. Tucker spoke against the Hohenzollerns or the Kaiser. Tucker explained how Bolshevism was to bring about the establishing of the rights of the comnton people and the rule by the people, saying it was the only true democracy.

The statement of the rule by the common people, and that democracy and ideal did not arouse my antipathy towar his address. His reference to the Bolsheviki did not disturb nte. The reference to the kitchen chair did not arouse any antipathy on my part. To my mind the whole address, it was the militaristic idea of this country, the military machine, and the conscription of

capital for the interests of labor, and the lack of support of our Gov433 ernment at that time in the crisis it was in, is what disconcerted me.

EDWARD WILBUR CAMP, called as a witness on behalf of the Government, having been first duly sworn, testified as follows:

Direct Examination by Mr. Clyne. I reside at Staunton, Illinois. I have resided at Staunton, Illinois eleven years. My business is newspaper editor and publisher of a paper at Staunton I have seen the defendant Tucker at Staunton, Illinois, January 14, 1918, at which time he delivered an address at Labor Tentple at Staunton. I heard the address. In substance. Mr. Tucker said, the subject of my address is " The Philosophy of the Kitchen Chair". He said, we art at war; we are engaged in a capitalistic war. The war that we are engaged in is being fought for the commercial supremacy of the world. They say we are fighting for a principle. It is merely another example of the exploiting of the workingman for the benefit of the capitalist. They have exploited us for years commercially, and now they are exploiting our blood. You men here will send your boys to be killed in the trenches, and in addition to that you will pay the cost of the war in money when it is over. He said that we had no cause to

be in this war, that the working class of this country had no quarrel to 434 pick with the working class of Germany. He said, “ It is merely the

capitalist element of America which is endeavoring through the war to establish their comnfercial supremacy over their great rival Germany. He said the result, the one great result of the war will be that the working class will be thrown down into further servility to the capialists. President Wilson had no business to send our boys across to fight the German people. He said that the German people were a peace loving, thrifty and scientific people imbued with the principles of fraternity and friendship; that the battles that they had to fight were exactly similar to what the working class in this country was forced to face. The Bolsheviki form of government is the ideal fornt of government; it represents the only true democracy. The Bolsheviki has been grossly abused and discredited by the capitalistic papers. We are not shown the true status of the Bolsheviki. The situation that prevails in Russia now is one of fraternity and friendship, that the Bolsheviki had seized the lands, the property and the money from the places that it had formerly been reposing in among the Lords and the Nobility and had divided it up among them. That this Bolsheviki movement is destined to conquer the world; it has already conquered Russia and front Russia it is rapidly spreading to Germany and from Germany it will be translated into the United States. 435

Cross-Eramination by Mr. Stedman.

I have discussed this matter in a general way with friends at Staunton and with Mr. Fleming. Mr. Clyne told me what would be material and what would be immaterial. I talked with the preacher, Mr. Crouse, in a general way. I talked to him since we have been here. We talked about Mr. Tucker's address at the Sherman Hotel. I was subpoenaed. I was interviewed by Mr. Clyne in the presence of Mr. Crouse. Mr. Tucker referred to Mr. McAdoo as the son-in-law of Heaven, the Mikado. I thought it was rather laughable; it was not especially offensive to me. Mr. Tucker said that Mr. McAdoo in an official communication of the treasury dated October 21, 1917, said: “We are in war to keep our ships from being sunk, so that the surplus products of farms, mills, etc., can be shipped across to Europe while our people are starving, or some thing like that. I am employed on the Staunton Leader as editor. I occasionally serve as rewrite man. A rewrite man may either expand or contract the facts. He is a free agent, to shut out the facts or he can expand them, and he might rewrite with the policy of his paper in mind. I believe the Socialists are wrong. I have worked in newspaper offices about seven years. I am a member of the State council of defense organization, it is called the Staunton Vigilance Corps. The duty is defined in the Constitution of the State Council

of Defense organization to co-operate with the Department of Justice 436 in stamping out sedition and disloyalty. I am not in the employ of

the Government. The Vigilance Corps is a voluntary organization. You are admitted by petition. The committee consists of about 700. It has been very active. I first learned of Tucker by seeing some placards stuck in some saloon windows with the red caption announcing that Tucker of Chicago would speak. To determine whether a man is seditious or disloyal, the man is invited up to the meeting of the Vigilance Corps where the full personnel of members is present and he is admonished, he is asked if such and such is the case, and if not,-it is open to members, it is not open to the public, it is a private trial, the public is absolutely shut out. They may bring winesses,

e do not enter any judgment against them. Usually the Chairman or the man ho is presiding gives him a nice talk and does all he can in an educational ay to correct his wrong impressions. Tucker said, they are conscripting labor id they are conscripting men, it is now time for us to conscript capital. Our 'ganization took no official action on Mr. Tucker's speech.

Redirect Examination by Mr. Clyne. I have heard of the Y. P. S. L. organization. They served as ushers that rening.

ALLISON ROBERTS BETHEL, called as a witness by the Government,

testified as follows:

Direct Examination by Mr. Clyne.

I reside at Staunton, Illinois; a bricklayer by trade for the last 20 years. ember of union No. 1, St. Louis, Missouri ; I resided in Staunton 14 years. I eard the defendant Tucker deliver a lecture in Staunton, Illinois at Labor emple in January. 1918. Ushers at this meeting wore badges on their arms ith letters Y. P. S. L. There were about 350 present. There were quite a w young men there. Mr. Tucker said, we are in war. It is said that we are t war with the military class of Germany. We have a junker class in this puntry similar to the one which dominates Germany. This is not a working lan's war; it is a war that is being prosecuted by the capitalist class for the enefit of the moneyed interests of the country. “The working men are paying or this war with their sons and will be forced to pay for this war with their 1oney after it is over.

The working class of this country has no cause for quarrel with the working eople of other countries, and there is nothing to be gained by a war with Hermany. He said that Russia was going through a period of transition; that Bolshevism was an ideal movement, and would result in a new era which

would be an ideal form of Government; that this movement would spread 38 to the other countries affected by this war and was already progressing

in Germany, and would finally move to this country and would eventually e the ideal form of Goverment all over the world; that the Bolsheviki overnment in Russia would bring about an ideal form of government; they lad seized the resources of that country and were being readjusted and disributed for the benefit of the masses which produced the real wealth of very country. That they had taken charge of the lands and property of the ountry and were being distributed among the people.

Cross-Examination by Mr. Stedman.

Tucker said the Bolsheviki had overthrown the Czar's government; that it Tould spread Europe and overthrow the Kaisers and the Junkers. He menioned the conscription of wealth by the government. Referring to the railroads f this country said they are conscripting labor, now is the time when labor rill conscript capital. He said that taking over the railroads by the governnent was a step in the right direction. He mentioned the fact that the Bolsheiki were having difficulties with the nobility and Royalists.

(Whereupon counsel for defendants jointly and severally objected to the estimony of the last witness and to the witness Eli Crouse and Edward Wilbur amp and moved to strike out the same on the grounds that the same was Acompetent immaterial and irrelevant, which objection was overruled to which

ruling the defendants were allowed an exception.) 39 Mr. Stedman. I spoke to Mr. Fleming and told him that we would not

require them to prove the copies of the American Socialists so far as their eing actually the American Socialist, we are not insisting on proof.

(Whereupon was tendered and received in evidence on behalf of the governlent Exhibit No. 39, being the following articles from the American Socialist nder date of March 24, 1917: Cartoon on p. 2, and a cartoon on p. 4, which ocument was admitted in evidence.)

Whereupon was tendered and received in evidence on behalf of che governlent Exhibit No. 40, being the following articles from the American Socialist nder date of April 7, 1917; Article from p. 1, entitled “War would be for the

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interests of financial freebooters only"; article from p. 2, entitled “Our War Program" by William F. Kruse; cartoon entitled Russianizing America " on p. 1; cartoon entitled “What's the use of Talking About Freedom of the Seas to a Lunatic" on p. 4.)

(Whereupon was tendered and received in evidence on behalf of the goverment Exhibit No. 41, being the following articles from the Americal Socialist under date of April 14, 1917: An article from p. 4, col. 7, entitled “ Women and War" by Edward F. Brumbaugh.)

(Whereupon was tendered and received in evidence on behlf of the government Exhibit No. 42 being the following articles from the American Socialisi under date of April 28, 1917; Paragraph without heading from p. 1, col. 4; Article from p. 1, last col, entitled "Act Quickly”; article from p. 2, col , entitled “Why' This War" by William F. Kruse, cartoon from p. 4.)

(Whereupon was tendered and received in evidence on behalf of the government Exhibit No. 43, being the following articles from the American Socialist under date of May 5, 1917: three paragraphs without heading from p. 4,

col. 2.) 440 (Whereupon was tendered and received in evidence on behalf of the

government exhibit No. 44, being the following articles from the American Socialist under date of May 12, 1917: Paragraph without heading from p. 1, col, 3; an article entitled We don't know", from p. 1, last col; paragraph without heading from p. 2, col 6.)

(Whereupon was tendered and received in evidence on behalf of the goverit ernment Exhibit No. 45, being the following articles from the American Socialist under date of May 19, 1917: Article entitled “The Killing Program“ from p. 1, col. 1; article entitled “Who are the good Americans” by William F. Kruse, from p. 1; advertisement for cols, 1 and 2, p. 2, entitled. “The Price We Pay by Irwin St. John Tucker; poem entitled Be a Coward” from p. 4, col. 1; article from p. 4, col. 3, entitled "All Hail Conscription"; article from p. 4, col. 4, entitled Navy Gives Receipts"; article from p. 4, col. 4, entitled Getting Acquainted "; article from p. 4, col. 4, entitled " The Fifth Commandment"; cartoon from p. 1, entitled * The Last Loaf of Bread"; advertisement from p. 4, last col. entitled “Special Offers".)

To which offer of exhibits No. 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44 and 45 the defendants object upon the ground that each of said documents are incompetent, immaterial and irrelevant and remote and not a part of the res gestae; which objections was overruled to which ruling of the court the defendants respectively were allowed an exception.

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Govt. Exhibit No. 39. American Socialist March 24, 1917
Cartoon on Page 2 entitled “ Note the Difference"
Cartoon on Page 4 entitled “ Henry forgot something”

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War Would Be For The Interests of Financial Freebooters Only !

Says Socialist Party Emergency Committee to President Wilson On the eve of the opening of the special session of congress the Socialist Party Emergency Committee, consisting of Victor L. Berger, John M. Work and Adolph Germer sent a telegram to President Wilson and members of congress declaring:

“In behalf of the Socialist Party of the United States, we earnestly urg you to oppose declaring war against Germany or declaring that a state of war exists.

"Instead, we urge you to vote to warn all American citizens to keep out of the danger zone. Our government has respected the war zone designated by the government of Great Britain, why should we not do the same of the war zone declared by Germany? Anyone who enters the danger zone at this time is not a good citizen. Foolhardy persons who deliberately put their country in danger of war do not deserve protection. Should the country go to war, it will be for the interest of financial freebooters only.

“We also urge that if the question of declaring war is to be voted upon at all, it shall be put to a referendum vote of the adult citizens of the United States, both men and women. We desire to put it squarely up to you whether or not you are willing to take the responsibility of deciding that the blood of thousands of your fellow human beings shall be spilled. Will your conscience permit you to do so when you can avoid it by voting against war, or by letting the people decide the question themselves?"

Our War Program

By Wm. F. Kruse.

One may be blind and deaf and lame and crippled and yet not fail to see that we are closervery close to war. Every step now being taken by the powers-that-be are in that direction. Army and navy is being mobolized, an energetic recruiting campaign is on, plans are already under way to muzzle the press and the labor organizations in case war is declared, and a special congress is called several weeks ahead of schedule time. There can be only one answer to these activities-War.

We can readily see the masters' hand in this game. As long as there was no restriction placed on our shipment of ammunition, food, clothing, and other supplies to the belligerents of one side, we were in no danger of being dragged into the conflict. At the very start of the war our trade was cut off completely with the Central powers and our trade with neutrals was seriously hampered. But we were not then in danger of war. Our trade with England and her allies was still secure and war loans and munitions contracts ha l a marvelously soothing influence on our now rabid jingo press.

But now the shoe is on another foot. Shipments are stopped and with them stop the abnormal profits in the “ War Brides." For doing just exactly what Great Britain did at the outset of the war, tho using different weapons, we are to fight Germany. Are we? The jingo press says we are. The War College and all our epauletted soldier boys say we are. Wall Street says we are. Its hirelings in Congress say we are. The man on the street is undecided, in the extreme East he seems to think so, too, in the West he is, in the main, of a different opinion. Now what shall the Socialists say about it?

The need of a clear-cut war policy is imminent to all Socialists. We must know just where our party stands. And this policy can not be merely negative as it has been in the past; like a double-edged sword it must be both positive and negative. The positive side of our program has thus far been sadly neglected. It has been neglected not only in this country but everywhere. Our comrades across the sea were always strong on their opposition to war before it came, but were lost entirely and did not know where they stood it once was upon them. Now, we here will not be able to stop the war any more than they were. But we can, in the short time left for us, plan our program of work After the outbreak as well as before.

Our positive program should include every progressive measure that the conduct of the war has taught other governments. We should stand for the immediate conscription of incomes above a certain sum, we should stand for government ownership of all possible lines of industry, we should insist on labor's representation, if not control, of all boards of industrial administration. We should insist on exemption of conscientious objectors from military service, and if universal service is forced upon the people we should oppose all efforts of wealth to get around it thru the hiring of substitutes. These are just a few of the points in our positive program. How now about the negative?

We should at all times reiterate our opposition to this war. We should continue in every available way to show up its character as a selfish trade squabble. We should in every way pursue a policy of obstructionism to the jingo policy. To do so will undoubtedly get us into trouble with the government and into disrepute with the war-makers, but they are not of our class. nor is their government as yet our government. A business war of this character is unjustifiable from any angle save that of the profiteer, and we should never let up in our opposition to it.

A discussion of these topics is vital to the welfare of our movement at this time. We are dangerously close the brink of war. Other countries have been, and in plunging into the pit have dragged even a great many of our socialists with them. We have no right to expect that our comrades in this country will show themselves to be any clearer thinkers than have others been. The maze of controversy that has already been waged over this question ought to banish all our hopes in this direction. Already do we find some of our comrades advocating that we join in the war on the side of the allies. To them

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