see in the lark to make such a fuss about. Why, in Dublin I've been in a thousand times worse rows, and divil the word I've had said to me."

Of course, Mr. Brayding was not allowed the opportunity to make any more such speeches to the Court, but was at once sent back to the apartment from whence he came, and where he and the others remained until their sentences were received from the Horse Guards.

In a week or two, word came down. Gentleman Cadet Fairfie was ordered "to be dismissed from the Royal Military College," and Brayding to be "removed" therefrom, a more lenient sentence, as removal does not prevent a commission being obtained by purchase or otherwise, whereas dismissal is a complete bar to entering the whole service. Blackey and Whitey were severely reprimanded, and directed to rusticate for six months, which, as it happpened, was not altogether unpleasant to them.

Of them all, poor Fairfite was the greatest sufferer; but by bringing a good deal of interest to bear, the word "removed" was ultimately substituted for the word "dismissed" in his case, and it was no very long time before both he and Brayding were gazetted to Ensigncies by purchase, the narrow escape they had, proving, perhaps, a wholesome lesson in after life.

One day soon after this, Mingleby came to me in great glee with a letter he had received from his father.

"Look here, Writer," he said; "what a jolly brick the governor is; here's all sorts of compliments on my conduct, and a five pound note."

"I don't exactly understand," I said, wondering what on earth there had been in his conduct lately that could draw forth complimentary observations of any kind.

"Read this," said he, shoving the letter into my hand.
I took it and read as follows:-
:-

'My dear Son,—It was with a strange mixture of regret and pleasure that I received your letter, and the paper which accompanied it. I was sorry to think that so many of your brother Cadets had been led into committing acts which could only have the effect of gratifying the malicious desires of a few, and injuring the good name of all. That you were not one of those who forgot themselves is indeed a satisfaction, and that you may not at once miss some reward for resisting temptation, and keeping aloof from the wanton perpetrators of mischief, 1 send you a remittance which will no doubt convey my approval of your behaviour in a much more forcible way than words can do. We look forward to your vacation with pleasure, and hoping you will continue to keep in the course you have entered.-Believe me, your affectionate father, "MARK MINGLEBY."

"Is'nt the governor an out and out brick," repeated Dr. Mark Mingleby's affectionate son.

"He thinks you stayed away on purpose," I said.

"Of course," replied Mingleby; "he little suspects where I was, but perhaps if he knew what the holes were like, he would act similarly out of pity."

"Hardly, I think," I answered; "you ought to explain everything to him before changing that note, as he gave it under the impression you were free to act as you chose." "Ah," said Mingleby dryly, "I'll think it over." (To be continued.)

SPAIN AND CHILI.

Unless we suppose that the attack by Spain on two of her ancient possessions was preliminary to a determination to recover her hold of them, we are at a loss where to look for an adequate motive for a proceeding which could not fail to be a most costly business, whatever the ultimate result might be. It cannot be considered an adequate motive that the Spanish residents have, for some time past, assumed a tone towards the natives which the latter were quick to resent, and which, of course, led to more irritating discussions. These bickerings, not to use a stronger word, led to such communications from the Spanish residents to persons at Madrid, that individuals there found it likely to be advantageous to them, in a political point of view, to adopt an aggressive and imperious tone towards the South American Republics. First it was Peru that was made to suffer from the new policy of Spain. The seizure of the Chincha Islands was regarded as an abuse of strength, and began to awaken public indignation; but when it was found that the supply of guano to Europe would go on as usual, the relations of Europeans with South Americans generally are so weak, and we are so accustomed to hear of disturbances among them, that the probability is that Spain would have worked her will with that country unimpeded by anything stronger than a few newspaper articles and a little official remonstrance.

But if Peru, taken at such a disadvantage, and with such suddenness, did not, under the Government which it then possessed, proceed to the extremity of entering on a war with Spain, the reason will probably be found in the fact that a revolution was then going on in the country, which was likely to be successful; and the short lapse of time which ensued before the Government was overthrown was doubtless due to the dissatisfaction caused by the acceptance of the terms proposed by the Spanish admiral.

The fact that Signor Tavira had come to an understanding ought to have prevented anything like a warlike demonstration against Chili; and if there remained any grievance not sufficiently atoned for, they should have formed the subject of further negotiation;

and it is highly improbable that a moderate and conciliating minister like Tavira would have failed to obtain further concessions -at any rate, we may be sure that if he could not succeed, a hectoring policy was certain not to do so, as if the Government had yielded to that it would have been regarded as a triumph by the Spanish residents, and a humiliation by the Chilians, which would have led, we are assured, to a revolution in the country, the individual self-love of so large a portion of the inhabitants of the towns being involved in the dispute. But the fact that Signor Tavira, who knew the people with whom he had to deal so well, had expressed himself satisfied with the concessions made by the Government to which he was accredited, ought to have been a bar to any further proceedings, instead of which, his arrangement was repudiated, and Admiral Pareja appeared on the scene with his demands, which were nothing less than outrageous; and we shall now proceed to give a connected narrative of his doings.

The proceedings of the admiral in Peru had awakened the strongest antagonism in Chili. The newspapers asserted, what was only the opinion of the greater part of their readers, that they were merely the commencement of a scheme for subjugating the former colonies of Spain in succession; and this was considered to be confirmed by the proclamation he issued. This proclamation, which recalled to the memory of those under his command the deeds of their forefathers in South America, professed to regret the weakness of the state he was about to attack, nevertheless he announced his intention to destroy the few guns it possessed, and to crush the Esmeralda and the Maypu, and to blockade its ports until he had deprived it of its resources and thoroughly humiliated it. This was the substance of his pompous declaration; how entirely he failed to realise it we know, as also the disastrous result of his violent conduct to himself personally. We shall not inquire into his motive for committing suicide, further than to say that it was not from anything he had to fear from his government on the ground of his having exceeded his instructions, inasmuch as he had such unlimited powers conferred upon him as are rarely accorded by a government'; and if he failed in carrying out the secret instructions which may have been given to him, that could not have furnished grounds for punishing him in the face of the written powers with which he was supplied.

That he was stimulated to make the arrogant demands he did by the absence of danger to himself and those under his command, in attempting to enforce them, we need not suppose; it will be sufficient to conclude that he really did regret its absence.

Before commencing operations against Chili, we should observe that he sent an officer thither in whom he placed the fullest confidence. This officer, it is probable, fell into the hands of those of the Spanish residents who were opposed to the conduct of Signor Tavira. Misled by his statements, the admiral ultimately denounced

the Spanish representative to his Government as a traitor, and at the same time expressed himself strongly as to the attitude he ought to assume towards Chili, with a view to impressing on it, and on other South American Republics, the respect they owed to the Spanish flag, and the necessity which existed for exacting full and complete atonement from Chili previous to a final arrangement of the matters in dispute; the more so that this particular republic set itself up as the foremost of its sisters, and held Spain in hatred and contempt, at least so he affirmed. The reply of his Government to the despatch containing these and other similar statements, was a request that he would furnish judicial evidence of the charges against Signor Tavira, and giving him full powers to act as he thought best.

His mode of action was by no means calculated to assuage the bitter feelings with which, as he said, the Chilians regarded Spain. In the first place, probably to make his appearance more impressive, he so timed his departure from Callao that he should arrive at Valparaiso on the eve of the anniversary of the day of independence. That this was intentional there can be no doubt, if we accept the statement of M. Courcelle-Seneuil, that it was known in Europe a fortnight previously, and that it was common talk in Callao that such was his intention many days previously, where it was openly avowed by the Spanish officers. Of course all this was known by the Chilian Government long before the Spanish squadron arrived at Valparaiso, so that when the admiral made his appearance there, and claimed a salute of twenty-one guns as a preliminary to all discussion, he found that a strongly hostile feeling against him existed; and the offer he is said to have made, to return gun for gun, which, under other circumstances might have caused his demand to be complied with, was rejected. This refusal on the part of the Chilian Government has been commented on in severe terms in the press of Madrid, and in a milder way in Paris; but we can hardly wonder that a comparatively weak power like Chili should stand upon its dignity with even greater tenacity than one which was stronger. Moreover, it is further urged in defence of the Government, that if it had yielded it would have been overthrown by a revolution. Be this as it may, there can be no doubt that the Government and people were of one opinion in the matter; and though it might have been less prompt in accepting war rather than the terms proposed by Pareja, it could hardly have averted bostilities, and under these circumstances the Government acted wisely to enter upon the contest it could not avoid, while the spirit of the country was thoroughly warm, rather than wait until it had become lukewarm in the matter, and less ready to make the necessary sacrifices for carrying on a war with such vigour as lay in its power. It was, in fact, a choice between a war with a now hated power, and a civil war.

A part of the Spanish Press insists that the representatives of

foreign countries did not show that amount of energy in assuaging the wrath of Chili which they might have done; but the answer to this is, supposing the charge to have any foundation, that the conduct of Admiral Pareja was so unusual, so little in accordance with diplomatic custom, that they could not for want of time, as well as for other reasons, interfere efficaciously; besides which the ultimatum he sent in with the matters of which he complained was of a nature wholly unjustifiable, and so purely one with which only the Chilians themselves could deal that it must have been evident to them that any interference with the action of the Chilian Government which was not attended by such pressure as they had not authority to exercise would have been altogether useless. Moreover, to furnish good foundation for the charge against the foreign representatives, it should be shown that Admiral Pareja called on them and requested them to use their good offices to induce the Government to which they were accredited to yield to his demands; which nobody, as far as we are aware, has ventured to assert.

As to the list of grievances he sent in, they were of the most trivial character even supposing they were true to the fullest extent of their expression; but the truth seems to be that they were made to appear much greater than they deserved; for example, the supplies of provisions and men to the Peruvian vessel, Lersundi amounted to this-sufficient men to navigate her to the port to which she was bound, and sufficient provisions to supply her wants for the same period. The complaint that armed volun teers were allowed to embark on board the Dart for Peru is declared by the Chilian Government to be without foundation. Those who embarked were not armed, and even if they had been, there would not have been any ground for preventing them as that Power was not then at war with Spain, and they could therefore be only regarded as mere passengers on board an English vessel, The charge against the Chilian Government that it had not attempted to repress the hostile expressions of the press towards Spain is absurd. The press there is free to give vent to its opinions, and even if it were not, the attacks of the Madrid newspapers on Chili would justify retaliation. As to the journal which we believe to have been especially complained of as having denounced those persons who should supply provisions or assistance to the Spanish squadron, we are told that it has little influence on public opinion, and none whatever on the action of individuals, and was considered by the Chilian Government as quite beneath its notice. As to the refusal to supply the foreign vessels with coal at Lota, that was purely a private matter with which the Chilian Government had nothing whatever to do; the coal belonged to individuals who might have sold it to them if they had felt so disposed, but any interference to compel them to do so on the part of the Government would have been an invasion of private rights for which there was no justification; the declaration that coal was contraband of war was not