the handling of his weapon, or with more revengeful feelings in his heart, he might have killed or maimed me for life!" "And now," said Flagcolet, the merriest of the Chasseurs, "old fellow, you had better go and get your paw dressed, and then come and have a drink," and turning to Jean Raymond he said: "By Heavens! It was a short affair! You may flatter your self that your whirls are perfection: there's no resisting such action, my boy. Comrades! let us drink to Jean Raymond! the best and bravest child of the regiment. Is it not so, comrades ?" "Yes, yes," resounded from all sides: but Savoureux, before mentioned, the little man who prided himself in the use of the foil-ventured to put in a veto. "The bravest? You mean that some people have luck," said he, glancing at Jean Raymond. 'Chance, did you say?" asked Raymond, "then, of course, you don't mean me." you "And why not?" "Savoureux!" said Raymond, "if you wish to quarrel with me, had better say so at once." "Well, yes, I do," replied the infatuated coxcomb. "I am of opinion that as to duelling, you are not braver nor more determined than others--but that you are only more lucky. Moreover, I am of opinion that to whirl your sabre like a sling is not a proper way of fighing. Oh, it would be very different with foilswith foils, I say." "Now go along with your foils, will you?" said Godard. "Let him speak; you see I am quite calm," said Jean, and turning to Savoureux he added: "Anything more, comrade ?" 66 Anything more? Why, yes; I have just had my foils touched up by the armourer, and this is the opportunity to discover whether Monsieur Jean Raymond is as skilful with the small sword as with his windmill manoeuvring-excuse me, I mean the sabre.” "Why, man, you're mad!" said Raymond, an ejaculation in which the whole assembly joined vociferously. "It is quite possible," said Savoureux, but if Monsieur Jean Raymond refuses, I will proclaim it everywhere that--" He had scarcely uttered these words, and before any one could interpose, when Raymond made a rush at the foils and flung one at Savoureux's feet. In an instant they were "en garde," but at the very first pass Jean disarmed his pitiful antagonist, and sent his foil ringing to the floor! "How do you like it, Savoureux ?" shouted Flageolet, "comrades, a bumper all round!" and he merrily sang a stave of an old allegorical song "Let's drink to the fool, Who has lost his tool Ha ha! his tool- And then, turning to Jean Raymond, he said: "Now, my boy, that was a very short affair; and it is your thirtieth, if my addition is correct; it's high time to score up and tally." "Have I provoked these quarrels ?" asked Raymond, with energy. "I am tormented, hoaxed, worried to death; they seek me out; they find me always ready-but is it my fault? This is my thirtieth duel, it is true, and all have resulted from causes as ridiculous and stupid as the two to-day. I have fought for a horse which a bad-tempered comrade had maltreated in my presence, for a pipe broken by me unintentionally, for wine spilt, for a word, for nothing at all! It's a fatality, I say. It seems as though I had been devoted to sanguinary encounters by some malignant demon! But now, it is quite time that they should let me alone. Yes, yes, a slow fever is burning up the marrow of my bones-that demon of strong drink tears my nerves to shreds! Away with it! Godard, you are right-wine is better, it makes us see everything in rosy hues. Wine! wine! let's have wine!" Whilst uttering these frantic words of excitement, an orderly entered the room and said: "Corporal Raymond, the commandant has heard that a duel has been fought, and you are ordered to his presence instantly." "Very well, I know what's up," said Jean, fetching a deep sigh. "He's going to break me. This is the third time. The pretext is that I am the worst character in the regiment; but he will promote me again at the next affair with the Bedouins. Aye, they break me; but the pieces are still good for use." The result was as he expected; the commandant reduced him to the ranks. (To be continued.) NATIONAL EXPENDITURE. The Parliament, which was elected last Summer under the auspices of the most popular Minister of modern times, meets to-day, and the policy of the new Cabinet which was constructed on the death of that lamented and patriotic Statesman, will, in the course of a few weeks, be shadowed forth either in the Speech from the Throne, or in the statements which may be expected to be made by the leaders of the Government in the Upper and Lower House. One of the subjects which will probably demand "early attention" is that in which all of us are more or less interested the public expenditure. Most of the new members of the House of Commons will no doubt take their seats with a firm determination to do their utmost to curtail the national expenses, and to ease the national burdens many of them will probably think that we spend a great deal too much; and not a few will flatter themselves that, with the aid of their advice, greater efficiency may be obtained with less outlay. It will not surprise us if we have the old idea revived of, what some of the so-called economists have styled, taking the Treasury "bull by its horns," and deciding at once to what extent the expenditure shall be reduced; leaving others to say in what manner it shall be done. Indeed, we have already seen statements put forth with a view to convince the inexperienced that this is the easiest, if not the only way of compelling the Government to bring the expenditure within reasonable limits, and that the sum of ten millions at least should be struck off the Estimates. Under the term Estimates, is, of course, included all the money voted for the Army, Navy, and Civil Service; and as there are generally fewer members in the House connected with the two former professions than there are with the Civil Service, as also the money required for Naval and Military purposes is larger than that wanted for the other branches of the State, the first onslaught is sure to be made on them. Another reason for attacking the Admiralty and the War Office, instead of the Treasury, is the prevalence of the idea that what is expended by them is almost wasted, while the money on education, justice, &c., is either absolutely necessary or is of benefit to the country at large; in other words, that the expenditure for the Army and Navy is not "reproductive." A further reason, and the strongest, is that the amounts required for ships and men have increased at a more rapid rate than those demanded for peaceful purposes. A little enquiry into this subject at the present time may perhaps prove useful, not only to the members of the professions whose ideas the United Service Magazine is supposed to represent, but to all those who have to contribute towards the large sums which annually flow into the Exchequer. It is very much the fashion to contrast the expenditure of the United Kingdom during the present year with certain other years, and to jump at the conclusion that the excess is unnecessary. But a little reflection will soon convince the unbiassed that there are many other things than mere expenditure to be taken into consideration. While, therefore, it is our intention in this paper to lay before our readers facts and figures, which we have collected from documents published under official authority, showing what have been, as well as what are, the principal items of outlay, it is also our intention to furnish them with information as to the enormous increase which has taken place in the wealth and commerce of the country, an increase as unprecedented as it was unexpected. And it must always be borne in mind that while the demands made by the government departments have steadily risen, so also have the means of those by whom the money has to be contributed, and that the country is doubtless able to bear the expenditure of this year much better than it was the expenditure of any year a quarter of a century ago. This subject was very ably dealt with by the late Sir George Lewis when he was Chancellor of the Exchequer, on introducing the Budget of 1855, at which time it was necessary to impose greatly increased burdens on the country, to enable the war then commenced with Russia to be carried on. After alluding to the suicidal policy of our ancestors at the breaking out of hostilities in 1793, and showing how far better for the nation, as well as for the revenue, was the policy of modern times, he went on to say, as a proof of the present power of the country to bear increased taxation, I will draw attention to a comparison of our imports and exports in the year in which the French war broke out, in the year when peace was concluded, and in the present year. In 1793, the imports into the United Kingdom were valued at £17,850,000: in 1815 they were valued at £32,987,000, and in 1853 they had risen to £123,099,000. Our exports in 1793 were £18,48€,000 in 1815 they were £58,629,000 and in the year 1853 they were £242,072,000. These figures present incontestible proofs of the enormous increase in the trade of this country since the beginning of the French war, and since the last peace: and they prove that an enormous mass of wealth exists in the country, from which an additional amount of taxation can be raised to defray the extraordinary expenditure of the country." That such is fortunately still the case, we are indebted principally to the measures which were adopted at the suggestion of the late Sir Robert Peel and his colleagues some twenty years since. Had he lived now, he would have been astonished at the growth of the wealth of the United Kingdom, and at the changes in the comforts of the people; for, although he was firmly convinced of the soundness of what was then called the free-trade policy, he could never have anticipated such results. For instance, when in 1842 he made that powerful appeal to the possessors of property, for the purpose of enabling him to balance the two sides of the Imperial ledger, and he proposed that the income of this country should bear a charge not exceeding seven pence in the pound, in order that the deficiency in the revenue might be supplied, great commercial reforms might be proposed, and the mercantile interests might be saved from destruction, he told the House of Commons that "the produce of the tax might, he thought, be taken at £3,771,000." During the past year, the income tax collected, at the rate of sixpence in the pound, amounted to £7,600,000, or (allowing for the difference in the rate per pound) much more than double the sum originally estimated by Sir Robert Peel. The free-trade movement which was going on at the period to which we have alluded, was speedily followed by a movement for financial reform, and in 1848 the party which was represented in Parliament by Mr. Cobden was sufficiently strong to prevent the Estimates for the Army, Navy, and Ordnance passing the House, and to obtain the appointment of a Committee to enquire into the mode in which they were prepared. Much benefit resulted to the Services from this inquiry; for although the amount voted by Parliament for the year was reduced to the extent of upwards of two millions, the information furnished by the witnesses examined before the committee showed that neither in the Army nor in the Navy were the officers and men adequately remunerated, and that the two Services could not be kept in a state of efficiency unless the scale of pay was considerably increased. It must be admitted that at that time there was, as there is at present, some apparent ground for the cry for reduction. In 1848, Army, Ordnance, and Navy Estimates had reached the sum of £18,745,000, while in 1842 they had amounted to £16,115,000, and in 1835 to no more than £11,657,000. They have since swelled to £24,700,000, and will probably not be much less than that sum during the next year. The causes for this extreme difference between 1848 and 1865 are various, and will be alluded to a few pages further on: speaking generally they may be stated as due to the growth of the real permanent wants of the country, wants which every one admits it is not only desirable, but absolutely necessary to supply, so much so that if we were to deny the fitting supply to these wants we should be doing incalculable mischief. In the second place, they are due to the apprehensions which prevailed some years ago with respect to the security of the country, and to a natural anxiety to make full provision for that security. In the third place, they are due to the impression which has gradually, but firmly, taken root in the mind of the public, that there must be some description of relation between the state and strength of establishments and expenditure in other countries, and the state of establishments and expenditure in England. In the fourth place, they are due to the special demands, which are in substance, and in everything except the name, war demands, altogether and entirely beyond the ordinary demands and exigencies of the public service. Let us pause awhile, and see what has been the progress of the nation during the period that this increase of expenditure, over which some amongst us are disposed to seriously lament, has occurred. In the first place, the population has progressively increased in a manner unknown in the history of this or of any other country. Not only have more than four millions of emigrants left our shores to seek wealth and happiness in our colonies or in foreign countries, but the potato famine has desolated Ireland, and the cholera has invaded the kingdom, yet during the last twenty years the population of Great Britain and Ireland has risen from twenty-seven millions to about thirty millions. The national revenue, which was about £48,000,000 in 1841, in 1861 was nearly £64,000,000, it is now £69,000,000. Millions have been taken off the customs duties, yet they have increased in amount most prodigiously, for in 1841 they amounted to |