"bled as white as veal." So much for where we and they are rivals, and what eastern Europe. Look at the problems are the concessions worth making to of Asia. The Pamirs question is still secure them as active friends? That unsettled, and it is still possible to ask seems a small question when looked at how far are we wise in spending the from a distance. Observed closer, it resources of India to resist an invasion will be seen to be fraught with the which may never come, or which at most momentous possibilities. Beany rate might be averted by giving tween us and France the African quesRussia access to the sea. Go further tions are always momentous. They east, and the responsibilities involved may be put in a series of questions. in the answers which must sooner "What is to be our answer as regards or later be given to certain impend- Egypt, supposing that France, or ing questions increase a hundredfold. France and Russia demand evacuaTacitly, but none the less significantly, tion?" "What are the proper steps Japan asks us to ally ourselves with for enforcing our explicit claim to the her in resisting the claim of Russia to valley of the Upper Nile, supposing dominate the northern Pacific and that France allows those claims to be north-eastern Asia. Are we to move violated by a military expedition ?" towards or away from that offer of "Shall we, in combination with Italy alliance ? If we say "No" to Japan, and the Congo State, make an advance we may lose a make-weight which in against the Mahdi ?" When the govyears to come might be most useful. ernment has answered these questions If we say "Yes," we may destroy they are confronted with the hardly the otherwise good prospect of com- less difficult problems of West Africa. ing to an understanding with Russia. How far are they to stand absolutely China by itself offers dilemma after firm as regards French aggression on dilemma. Are we to acquiesce in her the Niger, and how far should they relaspe into anarchy, or are we to in- conciliate the French? Take, again, terfere to save her, or again, are we such a problem as that of Morocco. to see her come under the tutelage of At any moment that may become a Russia without securing any compensa' live 29 question, and the government tion? From the Chinese problems we be obliged to decide what are the inmust pass to those of the Upper terests of England in the Shereefian Mekong and the evacuation of Chanta- Empire, and on what terms they would boon. Will the Cabinet be justified in consent to a French occupation. The risking a war with France, in order to colonial problems which are before the maintain our rights in the Shan State government at this moment, are only which includes a piece of both banks of less serious and difficult than those of the Mekong, a place so unknown and foreign policy. Take the South Afriremote that, till a year ago, it had can problem alluded to by us elsewhere. hardly been traversed by white men? The British government are confronted It would be a great responsibility to with that remanet of ill-judged magnamake war on such a subject. Yet it nimity, the Transvaal. How are they to might be a greater to allow our un- force the Boers to recognize our suzedoubted rights to be infringed by the rainty in fact as well as in name, and French. To a hostile power, one dare to give their rights to the Uitlanders, not yield rights, however insignificant. without doing anything to alarm the Again, have we, or have we not, a Dutch of the Cape or to injure the right to insist upon the evacuation of cause of South African unity, Chantaboon; and if we have, is it on which the well-being of the empire worth while to insist on that right? as a whole may be said to depend. So much for the Far East. Let us Another colonial problem of no orditurn to Africa. Here the responsibili-nary difficulty, though it has been little ties thicken fast. First, how are we mentioned in the press, is that involved to treat the Germans at the places in the demands of the Canadian Parlia a cause ment à propos of the copyright law. | cowards of the captain and crew. Canada wants something which would Though the responsibility is great, it is bring the whole system of international not greater than the courage of those copyright to ruin. The government who are called to deal with the burden will have to oppose that demand, and of the empire. In a recent controversy yet not infringe the parliamentary in- on the question of foreign clerks in the dependence of Canada. Take another City, a London merchant wrote to exset of American difficulties, those plain that German clerks were in all connected with Newfoundland. The respects but one vastly superior to Enpeople of Newfoundland have a griev-glish clerks. They talked more lanance against the French which may guages, they were more regular in their any day become acute, and involve the hours, they cost half, they never grumquestion of how to be just to France bled, they took shorter holidays, and without offending the people of New- worked longer, and they never drank foundland. Again, the whole problem or gambled, or gave any trouble. The of Newfoundland and of its relations one drawback was that they could not with the empire is perplexed and diffi- be induced to take responsibility, cult, and a false step may prove most whereas the stupid, ill-educated, tiredangerous. some Englishman would, and that We have given this formidable cata- | made him after all worth twice as logue to show that it is not a light thing|much as the German. No; the failure to govern the British Empire, not in to take responsibility is not the vice of any sense because we regard the task our race, and while this is so, we need as beyond human powers. We know not fear the burden of empire becoming that it is not; and that firm and honest-too great. Be the problems that beset hearted men, who will do their best us what they may, depend upon it there and fear not, can steer the ship of State will always be Englishmen perfectly as well now as in former times. Our willing to assume them, and cheerfully course may be through reefs and and without any histrionic heroism to shoals, but the perils of navigation do their best in a spirit worthy of the never stopped an English ship or made occasion. DECLINE OF THE GERMAN EMPIRE. Twenty-five years have elapsed since the German Empire reached its highest point in modern history, and to the beginning of its decline. The success of the FrancoGerman War-which was solely due to the support which Germany received from the policy of Russia, just then sentimentally inclined-enabled the country, under the guidance of Prince Bismarck, to carry out the legal, military, and financial reforms that strengthened the empire. These reforms were a powerful support to the ideal of a united nation; and only a long line of blunders on the part of Bismarck could destroy the fruits of these reforms. He destroyed the national party and with it the ideal at which the nation aimed. He acted upon the principle Might, not Right," long after the support of the most influential party had been lost to the government. His maxim with 66 "Let them regard to foreign nations was, Vjedomosti (Moscow). |