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A MEMORY.

Glared ruthlessly the crowded street, ACROSS the crowded, breathless street

Instead of that lone landscape sweet, I made my way in noontide heat ;

Where Severn Sea and moorland meet; Above the din of traffic high

But in my heart the memory lies, Uprose the costermonger's cry

A joy that never dies. “Worts, wortleberries, worts; come,

DORA CAVE. buy."

Bristol.

Academy. Then sudden vision stayed my feet, A memory fair and sweet. Before me stretched the Quantock-side,

A RED-CROSS KNIGHT. Below me far the flowing tide

The crimson glow of sunlight falls Broke softly on the pebbled beach,

Along the monumental walls, And nowhere eye or ear could reach

A trace of human form or speech, Where still in faded pomp are read But bees amid the heather sighed,

The name and virtues of the dead. And crickets shrill replied.

Yet from yon effigy of knight And whispers from the Severn Sea

The graven name has vanished quite ; Came in the solitude to me,

No word remains ; but stories tell And gentle breezes brought delight

That he who sleeps fought true and well ; And fanned me with their pinions light, While all athwart heaven's arch so In kindness swift, in vengeance slowbright

A constant friend, a courteous foe; Small fleecy clouds would wander free

Who partly fought for love of fight, Then start aside and flee.

But chiefly for the love of right. The beauty of the moorland wild

To Holy Land he rode away :
My soul, my every sense beguiled,

Seek thou a holy land to-day.
I sank down in the heather deep,
For very joy I fain would weep,

With sword and battle-axe he strove :
When sudden, round the hillside steep Seek thou the armory of love.
A band of little children filed -

He won on earth a poor renown:
So glad and sweet, I smiled.

Win thou on earth Love's fadeless crown. The little voices echoed clear

ARTHUR L. SALMON. And, as the little flock drew near,

Gentleman's Magazine.
The little faces I espied,
With purple stains were smeared and

dyed ;
And baskets round and deep and wide

A REMINISCENCE. The small arms bore with lusty cheer, I PRAYED God bless you, on my bended Weighed down with treasure dear.

knees,

Each night and morn ; The moorland fruit that ripens nigh,

Because he heard my prayers, and more Betwixt the Severn Sea and sky;

than these, A harvest rich a child can glean

Am I forlorn ? When wortleberries' glossy sheen

Shines forth the slender leaves between ; I prayed God bless you, love; and when he This task such little fingers ply,

gave Up on the Quantocks high.

His richest store

Gave her to you — what should my spirit
With many a curious backward peep
The little ones trudged down the steep,

Of blessing more?
All clasping their big baskets tight,
So heavy with the berries bright,

'Las me! that I should grieve, what I did That only bloom on moorland height,

seek, Where soft winds o'er the heather sweep,

So fair to find !. And sunbeams lie asleep.

Some day I may rejoice but we are

weak, The din of traffic, costers' cries,

And very blind. Made discord drear ; before my eyes

Speaker.

A. W.

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From The Fortnightly Review. prize of the contest. It had been said NORWAY AND SWEDEN.

that Norway once before had been

“conquered " when Karl Johan inTHE CASE FOR NORWEGIAN LIBER- vaded Holstein and dictated the Treaty ALISM.

of Kiel. But it was allowed to be With the knowledge which we now rather a stretch of language to call a possess regarding the military and po-country conquered which had not yet litical conditions at the time when the seen a single foreign soldier on its soil, union between Norway and Sweden and of which not one rod of land had was accomplished, we cannot wonder yet been occupied. But now, Norway that Karl Johan acted as he did. It was for the second time conquered cannot surprise us that he offered and according to all the rules of the peace and recouciliation after a cam- game — in the country itself. Sweden paign of fourteen days, in which he had now the double rights of treaty had apparently made good progress, or and of conquest; what should prevent that he concluded the convention of it from taking possession of its own ? Moss (14th August, 1814), acknowledg- Yet, in spite of all this, Sweden did not ing the constitution which the Norwe- gain the much coveted extension of gian people had given themselves, the frontier to the west as a compenand further, that an extraordinary Stor- sation for the loss of Finland. Northing was convened iu accordance with way not only did not become a Swedish the provisions of this constitution, province, it did not even become a defounded on the sovereignty of the peo- pendency - Sweden had obtained no ple. With this extraordinary Storthing rights over it. Karl Johan was to negotiate the terms No wonder that this was felt as of the Union. But it acted as a fully a bitter disappointment, a most disasovereigu National Convention ; in- greeable surprise. It took good stead of acknowledging the union of long while before the conditions on Norway with Sweden as an already ex- which the union between Norway and isting judicial fact, it entirely ignored Sweden had been accomplished became the treaty of Kiel aud everything con- widely known among the general pubnected therewith, but it elected the lic in Sweden. But it became plain by king of Sweden as king of Norway, degrees that Sweden had obtained no after having by its own sovereign other extension of its power than what power made those changes in the cou- follows from a defensive alliance, the stitution which it deemed necessary. stability of which is guaranteed by a The union of the two countries thereby common dynasty ; the joy with which absolutely got the character of a volun- the union bad at first been received tary agreement between equal parties gave place to a deep and widespread with equal rights. It is not surprising dissatisfaction. This dissatisfaction that Karl Johan gave way in all essen- was particularly directed against Karl tials to a Storthing acting in this man- Johan, who was suspected of having, ner. He had very good, and perhaps from dynastic or purely personal movery forcible reasons for doing so, as tives, conceded to Norway, at the ex

But to his contempo- pense of Sweden, such favorable terms. raries, and more particularly to the Acquiescence in the state of things contemporary Swedes, it must have which had been established sprang only scemed wonderful, and almost inexpli- from the confident hope that it was cable. In Sweden they only learnt but provisional, a transition to a more that the Norwegian “insurrection " " real” union of the countries, one had been completely crushed after a more in correspondence with the interfortnight's campaign, the Norwegians ests of Sweden. Norway was thought had only been left what the victor to be too small and too poor to stand would in his grace allow them. One on its own legs. The Norwegians did might consequently feel sure of the not get credit for having either the

we can now see.

ability or the will to maintain an inde- | Union to cry over.” In text-books for pendent existence. They must feel the schools the Swedish youth were themselves deeply indebted to Sweden, told that Norway was conquered in which, in 1814, had treated them with 1814, and that by rights it ought to such great generosity instead of pun- have become a Swedish province, as it ishing them for their “rebellion.” | bad before been a Danish province,

This thankfulness, together with the but that Sweden had been levient. It painful feeling of the insufficiency of had suffered the Norwegian “rebels" their own resources, which must make to retain a certain amount of indeitself felt, when “the intoxication of pendence, but nothing could be more independence” was over, would no black than the want of gratitude on the doubt by and by bring them nearer to part of the Norwegians, etc., etc. Sweden and make them throw them- This was sowing the dragon seed of selves into the arms of the greater and hate ; thereby was the Union weighted stronger ally.

with all these misunderstandings, all The development has, however, gone these distortions of its true meaning, in quite the opposite direction. The and of the conditions under which it national and economic power of Nor- came into existence. And to this is it way was strengthened under the influ- due, that instead of being a tie which ence of the free constitution. The should bind the peoples together it has “ intoxication of independence did become a never-ceasing bone of connot wear off with the Norwegians, tention between them, a never-failing rather the contrary. It became mani- source of strife. fest that nothing could be further from As we have stated, the Union betheir thoughts than to become Swedes, tween Norway and Sweden was based that they persisted in remaining Nor- on the principle of the absolute equalwegians, a feeling which became ity and equal rights of both countries. stronger as time went by.

Section 1 of the Rigsakt 1 runs thus : They thought, and rightly too, that they owed Sweden no gratitude, cer- independent, indivisible, and inalienable

The kingdom of Norway shall be a free, tainly not sufficient to renounce on that realm, united with Sweden under one king. account anything of their political or national independence. They became

From the unrestricted independence very loyally attached to the union in thus established there follows as the form which it had once received; consequence a similarly unrestricted but far from being willing to have it equality in rights with Sweden, as it is extended, they were most jealously on a principle long ago fully acknowledged their guard against all ideas and ten- in international law, that every sovdencies which pointed in the direction ereign or independent state, is, outof a closer union between the countries. wardly and inwardly, really' and

This produced gradually in the Swed- formally, equal in rights with all other ish people, in addition to the dissat- sovereign states. isfaction with the conditions of the

This sovereignty of Norway and her union, as not sufficiently advantageous equality with Sweden was not, how. to Sweden, a bitter feeling against the ever, fully realized from the beginning Norwegians, who were thought to

in all details. It was affirmed have shown themselves ungrateful,

theoretical principle ; but in a single, picious, and narrow-minded.

and highly important region, it was This bitterness and dissatisfaction allowed to remain an unrealized promwas nursed and encouraged by the ise. For on the establishment of the press. There were Swedish

Union the Norwegians did not take papers and Swedish journalists who for steps to establish their own manageyears made it their principal aim to ment of foreign affairs, and to appoint agitate against the Norwegians and

1 The fundamental statute passed by the Norwethe Union ; the latter was called “algian Storthing and the Swedish Riksdag in 1815.

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their own representatives abroad. On after the establishment of the Union the contrary, they suffered it to happen this question was frequently mentioned that the foreign minister of Sweden, in the Storthing, and both Storthing as a matter of fact, also became the and government repeatedly addressed foreign minister of Norway, and that to the common king of the countries Swedish envoys and consuls became demands for an arrangement of these representatives of both countries. affairs in a manner more agreeable to

It is uncertain what the explanation the interests of Norway and the prinof this remarkable negligence on the ciple of equality. Nothing was obNorwegian side may have been. The tained, however, except that a royal still prevalent opinion, that the man- decree of April 13, 1835, obtained peragement of foreign affairs is the par- mission for the Norwegian Statsminticular provision of the crown, may ister residing in Stockholm to be have been the dominant consideration, present in the Swedish “ Ministerielle for as the crown belonged equally to Statsraad,” and that it gradually beboth countries, it might seem less came the practice for Norwegians to necessary to maintain the principle of receive appointments in the diplomatic equality in this particular matter. But and consular services. This did not, it is also possible that the framers of of course, make these services comthe Union had in view the practical mon to both countries, nor did they difficulties of settling these things in a cease to be brauches of the purely manner fully consonant with the prin- Swedish administration, remaining as ciple of equality, and left this subject they did under the supreme direction purposely in abeyance, to avoid accept- of the Swedish foreign minister. A ing a formal compromise on this prin- draft for a new Vuionsakt, which was ciple.

prepared in 1839 by a NorwegianWhat is quite certain is, that Norway Swedish committee appointed on Norhas not by one single syllable, com- wegian initiative, proposed to place at mitted itself to the control by Sweden the head of the foreign affairs of the of the foreign policy of the two king- United Kingdoms a common foreign doms. The Rigsakt is silent on the minister, a Norwegian or a Swede, and question ; and in the revised Grund- responsible both to the Norwegian and lov,' which was passed by the extraor- to the Swedish representatives. This dinary Storthing of 1814, there are draft was shelved by the Swedish govclauses which run directly counter to ernment, no doubt because it was conan arrangement by which Norway is sidered far too favorable to Norway. represented in foreign States by a It proposed great extensions of the Swedish foreign minister, Swedish en- points of union between the countries, voys, and Swedish consuls. And it is but at the same time it carried out with certain, that from the Norwegian side great stringency the principle of their it has always been maintained, that no equality, and it was not in this spirit deviatiou from the principle of equality that the ruling parties in Sweden demust be construed as being more than sired to see the Union extended or an acknowledgment in fact, but not in “ improved.” principle, or otherwise than as some- The draft for a new Unionsakt, thing quite provisional, to be redressed which had been prepared iu 1866, on as soon as possible in conformity with the initiative of the Swedish Riksdag, the main principle of this Union. had a clause which runs thus : It was not long before the Norwe

The Swedish foreign minister continues, gians commenced the work of realizing

as before, to be the head of the Foreign their rights with regard to the manage- Ofice, and to watch over the foreign affairs ment is their foreign affairs, and their of the United Kingdoms. In his absence representation abroad. Quite early his office shall be administered by that If this draft had become law, Nor- the Norwegian side, in spite of the fact way would have been bound by con- that the Norwegians had very good tract to the Swedish supreme direction reasons for being dissatisfied with the of the foreign policy of the countries, existing arrangement. and of our representatives abroad. But the Swedish constitutional reBut, so far from being willing, on the form of 1885 made a settlement of the Norwegian side, to accept anything question unavoidable. Before this like this, this clause was pointed to as reform it was provided in the Swedish the great stumbling-block, on which constitution, in regard to the so-called the draft must be wrecked, as indeed " Ministerielle Sager," that is to say, actually happened. The leader of the all questions appertaining to the relamajority declared that this point alone tions of the country with foreign must be sufficient to cause the defeat powers, that the king might" let them of the whole draft. “True, it had, as be prepared in such manner as he a matter of fact, up to that time been thinks proper.” the case, that the foreign affairs of These questions were submitted to Norway had been directed by the the king by the foreign minister, in the Swedish foreign minister ; but behind presence of one other member of the this fact lay Norway's right to take Council of State ; the other members these things into her own hands, when of the Council did not get any more she would, against which no rightful information than the king thought fit objection could be raised by Sweden,” to give them, and there was no opporand on those premises the decision was tunity for the representatives of the taken.

member of the Council of State, whom the i Statute of the Constitution.

king orders to do so.

people to exercise any control. By Such was the state of things at the the reform of 1885 the Ministerielle time when the last great Norwegian Statsraad was in the first instance constitutional conflict broke out ; the strengthened, as it was in future to Norwegians had not succeeded in car- consist of three instead of two memrying out the rights belongiog to Nor- bers. It was further placed under full way as a sovereign State, as far as constitutional responsibility towards foreign matters were concerned, but the Swedish Riksdag. they had not, on the other hand, al- From a Swedish point of view this lowed themselves to be persuaded to reform must be acknowledged as rather make any fundamental concessions in opportune and legitimate. But from respect of these rights. During the the point of view of the Union it was constitutional conflict the attention of nothing short of an outrage, displacing the Norwegian public was fully occu- suddenly the limits of equality between pied in other directions. The Union the countries, and aggravating the polay, as already remarked, behind this sition of Norway within the Union to conflict, but it turned directly on other such an extent that it must be proquestions, such as an internal settle- nounced perfectly intolerable to a free ment between Norwegian powers of nation, jealous of its own honor. Not State and Norwegian parties. The only were there now three Swedes in question of a satisfactory arrangement the Ministerielle Statsraad against the of the management of the foreign one Norwegian who only had access in affairs of the countries was thus left accordance with a royal decree, that is out of sight, and we were rather unpre- to say, at the good pleasure of the pared for it, when it again came on the king, but, what is worse, the power tapis, owing to the Swedish constitu- and authority over diplomatic questions tional reform of 1885. We had gone both those purely Norwegian, and through a prolonged and exasperating those common to Norway and Sweden, internal struggle, and longed so much was to a large extent transferred from for peace that it is not at all probable the crown, which formally belonged to that this question would have been both countries, and might be said to opened for a long time to come, from represent Norway as well as Sweden,

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