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other hand, the experience of the Turks will add a new chapter to the old lesson, that the battle-field is a bad court of appeal, and the verdict of the sword a most blind and uncertain decision, generally going against the right. A new and instructive example of the folly and danger of stimulating the war-spirit to a pitch of frenzy on one or both sides, as a preparative for a pacific adjustment, will result from this case. From all these sad teachings, useful and impressive lessons will be derived; and when the hearts of nations are sore and softened by these disasters, they may be more inclined to learn wisdom for the future. Let every hand that has participated in the dissemination of the ideas of peace and human brotherhood, hold on in its way and work of love.

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The Olive Leaf Mission. We are glad to find that many of the Olive Leaf Circles are extending their home operations, and reaping from them an encouraging harvest of useful results. An active member of one of the provincial societies thus refers to their home efforts. "This day week, our Circle met, and we had quite an animated meeting, discussing plans of home operation. We were anxious to do something, and decided to send tracts to every dissenting minister in the town. We chose those written by such men as Dr. Chalmers and Robert Hall, thinking they would have the most weight. And in the note sent with them, we intend to offer a grant of books to the library of any Sabbath School which will accept them. This selection includes copies of Sister Voices,' Leaflets,' Peace Papers,' 'Kiss for a Blow,' and Montgomery's Law of Kindness.' other plan was to supply 12 baskets of tracts, and request different shop-keepers to place them on their counters, and enclose them in parcels, or give them away." In a subsequent letter, the writer thus alludes to the first fruits of this excellent plan. "The packets of tracts which we sent to the dissenting ministers have called forth some in-, teresting replies. One, an Independent minister, offers every assistance to Our efforts which his other claims will allow; and another assures us that we cannot circulate too widely such tracts as those we have sent him. We desire very much to send to the clergy also, but it is more difficult to find papers suited to them. How ever, some have been prepared, which we think will be useful, and which are now printed." We have read the tract se

An

lected from Dr. Arnold's writings, and would commend it to all the Circles, as an effective and admirable paper for circulation among the clergy. We hope this plan will be adopted by many of them, for it embraces operations which must produce practical and immediate results. The spirit in which these papers were received and responded to by the ministers to whom they were sent, testifies to the value and influence of the effort.

The Ocean Penny Postage Campaign in America has commenced very favourably indeed. Our readers, we trust, will read with interest the brief record of the first meetings we have addressed on the subject. The demonstration in New York was rendered very important by the extended notice given of it by the public journals of the city, which have a vast circulation. It is probable that at least a million persons have read the reports of the meeting through these newspapers. We go to Philadelphia to-morrow, where there is to be a great meeting on the 13th of January, which, we hope, will deepen the impression in favour of the measure. We intend to visit Canada during the month of February, with the hope of stirring up a little interest and activity there in the reform. Everything is working favourably. Private enterprise is offering to convey any number of letters across the Atlantic for one penny each, and that by steam also. Many begin to doubt the right of Government to the exclusive transportation of letters across the sea, but especially its right to charge ninepence for the mere transit service, when steam-ship companies are ready to perform that service for one penny.

The Free-Labour Movement.—We hope, during our stay in Philadelphia, to see shall greatly extend this movement, and some plan of operations set on foot which place it on a wider basis. Perhaps we may have something to report of interest in this direction, in the March "Bond."

New York, Jan. 10th, 1854.

E. B.

According to the last census the leading denoDENOMINATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES. minations are Methodists, who number 12,467 churches; Baptist, 8,791 churches; Presbyterian, Episcopal, 1,422 churches; Lutheran, 1,203 4,584 churches; Congregational, 1,674 churches; churches; Roman Catholics, 1,112 churches, &c.

MACHINERY AND MANUAL LABOUR.-It is stated that if all the mechanical labour done in England were performed by hand, it would require every full-grown man in the world.

AN OLIVE LEAF FOR THE PEOPLE. nations will trust the decision of this ques

BY ELIHU BURRITT.

tion? And I must say for myself, that I believe there are men in the United States, to whom alone-as I believe there are men in this country to whom alone-both countries might commit the decision upon a question affecting both countries; and I believe it would be decided according to that which was just to both of them. And there are other countries, Russians, French, Prussians, Germans, in fact, you have all the world to choose from; you have all your great judges, and great jurists, your excellent men of every character in every country; and from these, every nation, having such an arrangement as this, might choose the men of foremost mark in the world, who for intellect and for moral qualities are unsurpassed, and who would stake their whole character with their countrymen and with all posterity, that they would give a just decision on the matter referred to them.-John Bright, M.P.

Stipulated Arbitration. The other day the Times newspaper, in commenting upon a dinner which has recently been given to the American minister, said what ought to be done between England and America. I do not give the precise words; but the precise meaning is, that we should resolve never to But how are you never to go go to war. to war with the United States? Does any man believe that no points of difference will ever arise? Don't we know that there are people in the United States reckless enough -as there is always a class in this country -to get up uneasiness and excitement, and, if possible, even to get up war? But the good men, the intelligent men, the moral men, the Christian men, the bulk of men in both countries, are in favour of peace. Why, then, should not this great majority in both countries resolve that we will never go to war? As regards the treatment of one nation to the other, we have no idea of Try it.-A celebrated critic, who ruled swindling, or cajoling, or dragooning the to a large extent over the current literature of United States, nor have they any such idea the day, by means of a very influential of us. We can fight, and so can they. journal, said of a new poem, issued by one The resources of the two countries may be comparatively unknown to the public at said to be almost inexhaustible. The in- the time, "This will never do." So the dustry of the two countries is productive opponents of the proposition of stipulated beyond all former example upon the face of arbitration virtually say of it, "This will the earth; but that only measures the not do." Their main objection resolves amount of damage which each country itself into the impracticability of the might do to the other; and it only gives theory. Why won't it do? Try the idea you a sure indication of the necessity and of mutual peace between individuals and the wisdom of doing that which the Times nations, without recourse to arms, on the recommends, and never to go to war with ground of justice; and in what respect does each other. Take the fisheries question it fail there? Is it not just to maintain that has lately been discussed. There was one's rights or possessions by persuasion a case in point. What was the first thing rather than violence, or to avoid injuring done? People here wanted to know how one's neighbour either in personal or terrimany ships were going; and in America, a torial estate? Try it next on the ground of squadron that was ordered to Japan was reason, and how does it infringe on that? countermanded, and the ships were to go to Surely it is consistent with right reason. the banks, and to that part of the ocean Try it on the ground of Scripture, and does where those fisheries were principally it fail there? An appeal to arms to settle carried on. But suppose we had had a clause in our treaty with the United States, such as the United States has with Peru, it would not have been a question of sending ships; nobody in England, not even the Manchester Guardian, would have written in favour of sending ships of war; but the first thing that would have been done, would have been to republish, in every paper in England, the arbitration clause, and then the sole matter to be discussed would be this:-Where shall we find the men, who are the men,-to whom both

the differences among nations is condemned by the Bible. We take our stand on the highest authority of all, and find that war is opposed to it, while the peace we advocate is emphatically enjoined. If I understand aright anything of the spirit and scope of the New Testament, they are peace on earth and good-will towards men. The purpose for which the volume was given, was to create in the soul of man peace with God; and that unavoidably leads to peace with mankind. When one invades and tries to kill his fellow-creature, it is an in

dication that his heart is not at peace with his Creator. Try, then, the question of peace by the highest possible standardthe standard of Scripture, and you will find that it will do. It will stand the Divine test; and if war be condemned by the Bible, it follows of necessity that it is opposed to justice, reason, and humanity. Why won't the peace principle do? Try it on the economic ground, and show me where it fails? Try it on the ground of self-interest, and surely history speaks in favour of its utility to man, even in a worldly point of view.-Dr. Davidson.

GERMANY.

Even under the sound of the war trumpet, on the European continent, we are able to speak of manifold and cheering signs of progress of our cause; nay, we verily believe, that these threatenings of war, which like dark and heavy clouds overshadow the countries, will themselves, in God's hand, prove the means to bring about hereafter, and probably before long, a new and better state of things, founded on a blissful and lasting reign of peace.

But we will not here enlarge upon our hopes and expectations for the future, but rather confine ourselves to statements of facts and realities of the present.

In the first place, we have been favoured with a highly interesting and detailed communication from Dr. H., (Director des modernen Gesammtgymnasiums in Leipzig,) of which we have been kindly permitted to make mention in the columns of the Bond. According to the statements given, and from the various programmes and pamphlets sent, the Educational Institution existing in Leipzig, under the direction of Dr. H., is adopting methods and principles that we cannot but rejoice at, for they are fully and truly the principles of peace, such as we are continually holding up before the public, and trying to inculcate into the minds of the young. We cannot do better than give a translation of a Protocol Extract, taken from the Conference Book of the Institution, dated March, 1853, that Dr. H. has furnished us with. It runs as follows:

Fighting for Liberty.-It is customary for the enthusiastic advocates of fighting for liberty, to refer to our civil war under the Stuarts as a triumphant demonstration of their argument. A more unfortunate instance for their purpose it would be difficult to select. It is true, indeed, that Cromwell and his Ironsides, fighting in the name of liberty, did defeat Charles the First. But did they give freedom to England? We know how much there is to admire in the character of this wonderful man. But in the efforts that have been recently made to rescue his name from unmerited obloquy, we are in great danger of rushing into the opposite extreme of unmeasured admiration. With all the great and princely qualities he possessed, we cannot forget that Cromwell, so far from giving liberty to his country, reigned in defiance of all principles of constitutional right, by virtue of a rigid military despotism. Cromwell," says Sir James Mackintosh, "first maintained a "With regard to the manner in which large army in this kingdom in time of peace, history has hitherto been taught, it has all and that army, raised in support of liberty-along been very grievous to me, that the the best composed, and the most moral that history of the world, as it is usually written, perhaps ever took up arms-as soon as they is in fact nothing but a war narrative, for it had subdued their opponents, afforded the strongest demonstration of the unchangeable hostility of all armies, even the best, to freedom, and indeed to civil authority." And it was the wanton and insolent tyranny of his army, which the nation felt to be not only a wrong, but an intolerable degradation and shame, that drove the people with infatuated trust to throw themselves again into the arms of the Stuarts; so that, at the end of thirty years, they had to do the work of their own deliverance again. And, let it be ever remembered, that this second time the revolution, which has formed the real basis of England's permanent liberties, was effected not by force, but by the power of opinion.-Rev. H. Richard.

chiefly presents scenes of murder and slaughter, accounts of bloodshed and battlethrong. Is not war the most degrading act of humanity, and does not man appear brutish, and in a most degrading character, as being not only entirely depraved but even truly fiendish? This term applies to those who carry on war, not merely as an occupation or trade, but from a real inclination, and with all their heart, and who actually find a delight in butchering and killing. It may certainly be the duty of the historian to picture and describe scenes and heroes of battle, but it is, indeed, a melancholy and difficult task for one whose sentiments are those of a true and pious Christian. Let us now consider, gentlemen and colleagues,

the striking contrast between our religious instructions and the lessons of history as we give them to our scholars. If we could just remove our classes to Montenegro, those very same scenes, which now we are in the habit of picturing from the desk with martial extasy, would, if we beheld the reality, fill us with horror and detestation. Is it then true, what our imagination so brilliantly pictures, at a distance? We admire the beauty and strength of wild and ravenous animals, such as lions, tigers, panthers, and leopards, in their cages, but we banish and extirpate them from our streets. And what are conquerors but lions in a human form? They ought, likewise, to be confined to their cages, at St. Helena! But let us not instil into the minds of those youths that are entrusted to our care any other delight in those heroic deeds, beyond that shy admiration which perhaps the sight of a majestic lion might call forth. Truly sad it is, that human nature may not only become brutish, but that it may even descend to a level with the most ferocious creature! It should be every one's aim to cast a thick veil over the whole war-history of the human race. As human beings and Christians we ought to be ashamed of those pages, and silently pass over them; but instead of that, even geography contributes to immortalize those butcherings of human beings, and the only kind of monument that is found on the charts, consists in the sword by which those places are marked where battles have been fought. I greatly disapprove of this kind of historical demonstration.

"But who is there to write for us a new history of the world, in the spirit of the Bond of Brotherhood? Perhaps one of the instructors of our institution. I do heartily wish for it. The said periodical is read and circulated much in our establishment; would that some one were found here, to divest our method of teaching history from that unnatural, mistaken, and inhuman admiration of Heathenish, Jewish, Mahomedan, and Christian warriors, and to write for our pupils a new history book, in which such like persons may certainly be referred to, in so far as an explanation of their character and actions may be required, but at the same time bringing the spirit of Christian truth and love to bear upon those facts, in order that they may be rightly understood and judged. Looking at the present state of things, we find that the fictitious history of the past prevents or obstructs a better understanding of the political events |

and movements of these days. A change, therefore, is greatly needed."

Can anything be clearer than the extract here given? Could we ourselves use stronger terms in reference to war and its abomination, and may we not feel greatly encouraged when institutions like this one begin to adopt and introduce our principles with such warmth and zeal?

In the meantime our little German "Leaflets" are also doing their work among the youngest of the young, and the following instance may serve as a proof of the great pleasure with which they are received by those little ones. A short time ago we visited an infant school in the neighbouring town of Altona, and gave to each of the 80 children one of those little papers, which they received with apparent joy. A few days later we went along with some friends to see the same school, (which is conducted in a very nice manner,) when it happened to be near the hour of recreation, and as soon as the children had been dismissed by their teacher, away they flew from their seats, and came crowding around "the uncle that had given them those pretty little papers," and again thanked us for them, and expressed a wish to have some more of them. The teacher assured us that the children had been talking daily about us and those pretty "Leaflets," which they value much.

From our beloved friend, Pastor Fedderson, we received a most affectionate and interesting letter, to which is added the manuscript of an exceedingly well written article, which our venerable friend intends to publish in the German journals. It contains a detailed account of the principles, progress, and prospects of our cause, and had not our letter already reached a considerable length, we would have given a few extracts of the said article to the readers of the Bond.

The above may suffice to show, that in spite of the rumours of war, and the consequent excitement of the public in these days, we have no reason to despair, but that on the contrary we may rejoice in finding that the building which we are trying to raise is not composed of wood, hay, or stubble, but will stand and be strengthened when tried by fire.

ADRIAN VAN ANDEL. Hamburg, Jan. 18th, 1854.

Ocean Penny Postage.

The time is come for vigorous action on behalf of this important measure. Parliament is assembled, and it is the intention of the Hon. T. Milner Gibson to move for the appointment of a committee to investigate the question.

by Mrs. Inglis, on behalf of the free-labour cause. The practical difficulties of the movement were explained, together with the best means of overcoming them.

The members of the Camberwell Circle assembled at the house of their president, who had kindly invited as many friends as her drawing-room would hold - among them our valued friend, the Rev. John Burnet, who entered heartily into the social spirit of the proceedings. An admirably written report was read by the secretary, and plans of future usefulness discussed. This was a truly encouraging reunion.

To give effect to the labours of this committee, we must bring public sentiment to bear upon the House as powerfully as possible by petitions. We entreat our friends to lose no time in this matter. A form of petition is easily drafted, or, if desired, a form may be obtained by writing to our office in London. Few will refuse to sign a At Colchester, the Circle did not muster petition for this great boon, and it may be so numerously as they had anticipated, owing well to remember that for such an object to the indisposition of some of the members. the signatures of females are as eligible as Tea was kindly provided at the house of those of males. A special effort should be the secretary, after which the party promade to interest some friend in every neigh-ceeded to the Town-hall, where a public bouring village to send a petition from that meeting was held, to receive the Address little community. Perhaps the members of from Cambray, sent, after a long interval, Olive Leaf Circles will adopt this as one of in reply to the Friendly Address from Coltheir special operations,-writing out a few chester, conveyed by Elihu Burritt the forms of petitions, and posting them round to neighbouring small towns or hamlets. Wherever a mechanics' institute or mutual improvement society exists, the secretary will generally be found willing to co-operate. We have also found many warm friends among the masters of British schools. We may remind our friends that petitions, when signed, may be sent by post FREE, if addressed to a member of Parliament, either at his own residence, or to this office.

ANNIVERSARIES. Among the many social reunions which mark the season of Christmas and the new year, we may record the anniversary gatherings of several of the Olive Leaf Circles; who have taken the opportunity to invite together their friends for the purpose of reviewing their past proceedings, and taking fresh encouragement for future labours. At Halstead a teaparty, numerously attended, was held in the elegant lecture hall, recently erected in that town. A very satisfactory and encouraging report was made by the Circle, after which a lecture was delivered by Edmund Fry, who attended as a deputation from the Parent Society.

The members of the Crawley Circle assembled, with as many friends as could find accommodation, in the assembly room of the George hotel. After tea, a pleasant conversational evening was spent, and a sketch of the year's operations given. A few remarks were offered by Edmund Fry, after which a very feeling appeal was made

previous year. The spirit of cordial and Christian kindness breathed in this Address produced a profound impression upon the meeting, and every one seemed to appreciate the beauty and value of this method of cultivating sentiments of mutual good-will between the two countries.

The Address was as follows:"To the Inhabitants of the Town of Colchester.

"Dear Friends,-We have received with lively satisfaction the Address which you lately sent to us, and which contains the expression of those sentiments of esteem and affection you entertain for us.

"Springing at the same period of time into Christian civilisation, the British people and those of the ancient Gauls are brothers by the most sacred ties.

"If the demon of discord has for too long a time waved his torch between Albion and France, thanks to the progress which characterises our age, the benefits of peace are now appreciated by the two powerful nations, which the genius of war, as well as that of the arts and sciences, have placed at the head of the civilised world.

"Let us, then, congratulate ourselves that we are living in an era of peace, which transiently may be disturbed by accidental causes, but which appears to be based on solid foundations, so that during thirty-eight years England and France have not ceased to hold international relations as advantageous to the one as to the other. In fact,

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