of Julius Cæsar (which is about three hundred and sixty-eight years) when the Sicilians received the Jus Latii.

Ρ. 316. Εν ἡλικιᾳ δε οντος μεση και καθεστηκυια.] Cornelius Nepos tells us that Dion was fifty-five years old at his death, so that he must have been about fortyone when Plato came the second time into Sicily. See also Epist. 7. p. 328. Ηλικιας τε ηδη μετριως εχον.

Σφοδρα

Ib. poopa veov.] Dionysius was, I suppose, at least twenty years younger than Dion.

Ib. Πλεύσαι μεν οικαδε εμε.] I defer examining into the time of Plato's voyages into Sicily, and his stay there, that I may do it all at once when I come to the seventh epistle.

Ρ. 317. Την θ ̓ ἡλικιαν.] Plato was then about sixty-seven years old.

Ρ. 318. Ξυνεχης.] Read, ξυνεχη τω νυν γενομενίω this is his apology to the first accusation; he has said in the beginning, προς δυω δη μοι διττας αναγκαιον ποιησασθαι απολογίας.

Ρ. 319. Ουκουν παιδευθέντα (εφησθα) γεωμετρειν ; η πως;] I do not understand the meaning of this insult at all it relates, however, to the advice which Plato had ventured to give him, that he should lighten. the load of the Syracusans, and voluntarily limit his own power.

EPISTLE IV. TO DION. Ol. 105. 4.

Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 320.

This was written probably the same year with the former, or the beginning of the next, on account of those differences which Dion had with Heraclides and his uncle Theodotes, who at last drove him out of Syracuse their history may be seen in the seventh epistle, and in Plutarch.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 320. Tηv en рoνμiaν.] Plato, after all his ill usage from Dionysius, expressed some backwardness to join in the expedition against him, as appears Ep. 7. p. 350. where he expresses some little tenderness which he retained for him, when he reflected on their former familiarity; and that the king amidst all his anger and suspicions, had attempted on his life: however, when he saw Dion engaged, he joined in the cause with great zeal, and assisted him with all his power.

Ib. Avaiрe@evтos.] This seems to fix the time to Ol. 106. 1. for when Dionysius had sailed away to Locri, and his son Apollocrates had surrendered the citadel, it was natural to imagine that his empire was at an end.

Ρ. 320. Ενδεεστέρως του προσήκοντος θεραπευτικος.] Plutarch cites this passage in Dion's life; and another in the same epistle.

Ib. To de vûv vпaрxov ñeρɩ σe, &c. as above.

EPISTLE V. TO PERDICCAS. Ol. 103. 4.

Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 321.

Perdiccas, the second son of Amyntas, succeeded to the crown of Macedon, after the death of his brother in law, Ptolemy of Alorus, Ol. 103. 4. There seem to have been ancient ties of hospitality and of friendship between the royal family of Macedon, from Archelaus's time, and the principal literati of Athens. Plato here recommends his friend and scholar, Euphræus, a native of Oreus in Euboea, to be of Perdiccas's council, and his secretary. He grew into the highest favour with Perdiccas, and was trusted with the entire management of all his affairs. He used his power arbitrarily enough. Caristius,1 of Pergamus, gives the following instance of it; that, he would not suffer any one to sit at the king's table, who was ignorant of geometry or of philosophy. And yet to Plato and to Euphræus did the great Philip of Macedon owe his succession to the kingdom, (as 2 Speusippus writes in a letter to Philip reproaching him with his ingratitude,) for by them was his brother Perdiccas persuaded to bestow on him some districts as an appanage, where, after his death, Philip was enabled to raise troops, and to recover the kingdom. Euphræus, upon the death of his master, having rendered himself hateful to the principal Macedonians, was obliged, as it seems, to retire into his own country; where, soon

1 Ap. Athenæum, L. 11. sub fin. p. 506. and 508.

2 Ap. Athenæum, ut supra.

after Philip was settled on the throne, Parmenio was ordered to murder him.

Ficinus and H. Stephanus, finding in the margin of some manuscripts this fifth epistle ascribed to Dion, and not to Plato, seem inclined to admit that correction, but without reason. Plato has in his other undoubted epistles spoken of himself, as he has done in this, in the third person. He is here apologising for his recommendation of a man, who was to have a share in the administration of a kingdom. Some may object (says he), "How should Plato be a competent judge, he who has never meddled in the government of his own country, nor thought himself fit to advise his own citizens?" He answers this by shewing his reasons for such a conduct; but the last sentence, Tavrov in pai Spaoa, &c. is not at all clear. The thought is the very same with that in the famous seventh epistle to Dion's friends, (Εγω τον συμβουλευοντα ανδρι καμνοντι, &c. p. 330.) but some principal word seems to be omitted; perhaps after Spaσa av should be inserted ιατρικον ανδρα, or ιατρον αγαθον.

EPISTLE VI. TO HERMEIAS, ERASTUS, AND CORISCUS. The date not settled.

Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 322.

This letter, cited by Clemens Alexandrinus (Strom. L. 5.) and by Origen (contra Celsum, L. 6.), Menage 1 tells us is no longer extant among the epistles of Plato,

1 Ad. Diog. Laertium, L. 3. c. 57. See also Card. Quirini Decas Epistolarum Romæ 1743. 4to. p. 23.

and is supposed to be a fiction of the Christians. Bentley1 had reason to wonder at the negligence of that critick, who did not know that the epistle was still preserved and he adds, that there is no cause to believe the letter not to be genuine, as there are passages in the Dialogues themselves as favourable to the Christian opinions, as any thing in this epistle. The passage, which those Fathers cite, is at the end of the letter, and has indeed much the air of a forgery. I do not know any passages in the Dialogues 2 equally suspicious; nor do I see why it might not be tacked to the end of an undoubtedly original letter: there is nothing else here but what seems genuine.

Erastus and Coriscus were followers of Plato, and born at Scepsis,3 a city of Troas, seated on mount Ida, not far from the sources of the Scamander and of the Æsepus they seem to have attained a principal autho

1 Bentley in Phileleuthero Lipsiensi.

2 Vid. de Republ. L. 6. p. 506. Εκγονος τε του Αγαθου, και ὁμοιοτατος εκείνω . . . ὁ τοκος. By which he means the idea of Himself, which the Sovereign Good has bestowed on us, and which is the cause of knowledge and of truth. The Supreme Good itself he calls 'O IIarnp, and compares him to the sun, o Kupios TOU OWтos. Vid. et ibid. L. 7. p. 516.

3 Vid. Strabonem, L. 13. p. 602. and 607. The Coriscus here mentioned had a son called Neleus, a follower of Aristotle and a particular friend of Theophrastus, who left his library (in which was contained all that Aristotle had ever written, in the original manuscript) to him, when he died. It continued in the possession of his family at Scepsis, about one hundred and fifty years, when Apellicon of Teos purchased and transferred it to Athens, whence, soon after, Sylla carried it to Rome. (Strabo, L. 13. p. 602. and 607; Plutarch in Sylla, and Diog. Laert. in Theophrasto.)