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had conducted Dion on his way, together with a sum of money which Dionysius had ordered to be given to him for his expenses, which he returns to the tyrant with much contempt. The spirit of it and the sentiments are not amiss; and yet it is not very consistent with the indignation which Dion must have felt, and with the suddenness of the occasion, to end his letter with three scraps of poetry, though never so well applied. To say the truth, I much doubt of this epistle, and the more so, as it contradicts a fact in Plutarch, who assures us, that at the same time when Dion was hurried away, his friends were permitted to load two ships with his wealth and furniture, and to transport them to him in Peloponnesus, besides which 1 his revenues were regularly remitted to him, till Plato went into Sicily for the last time, which was at least six years after.

EPISTLE II. TO DIONYSIUS. 01. 105. 1.

Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol 3. p. 310. This epistle appears to have been written soon after Plato's return 2 from his third voyage to Syracuse, and the interview which he had with Dion at the olympick games, which he himself mentions, Epist. 7. p. 350. and in this place also. Archedemus, who brought the letter from Dionysius, and returned with this answer,

1 Ου πολυν χρονον διαλιπων, &c. Plato, Ep. 7. p. 345.

2 The reasons for placing the voyages of Plato so early, and Dion's banishment so different from the chronology of Diodorus, will appear in the observations on Plato's seventh epistle.

was a friend and follower of Archytas, the Pythagorean of Tarentum (Epist. 7. p. 339.), but was himself probably a Syracusan; at least he had a house in that city where Plato was lodged, after he had been turned out of the citadel. (Ibid. p. 349.) He was sent on board a ship of war (with Dionysius's letters of invitation to Plato, wherein he pressed him to come the third time into Sicily), as a person well known and much esteemed by the philosopher, and he is mentioned as present in the gardens of the palace at an interview which Plato had with Dionysius, about three weeks before he returned home again. (Ep. 3. sub fin.)

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 311. Δοξαν εχων πολυ των εν φιλοσοφια διαφεpelv.] It may be observed that Plato's reputation was at the height before he went to the court of the younger Dionysius, that is, before he was sixty-two years of age. P. 312. Αλλα δε εσπουδακας.]

.] In the intervals between Plato's two last voyages, Dionysius had been philosophizing with Archytas and others, and perhaps with Aristippus. See Ep. 7. 338.

Ib. Φραστεον δη σοι δι' αινιγμων.] We1 see here that Plato, as well as the Pythagoreans whom he imitated in many respects, made a mystery of his art : for none but adepts were to understand him. It was by conversation only that he cared to communicate himself on these subjects. In the seventh epistle he

1 See Theodoret, Serm. 1. ad. Græcos.

2 And in the end of this very epistle, p. 314. Ovd' eoti ouge γραμμα Πλατωνος ουδεν, ουδ' εσται τα νυν λεγομενα Σωκρατους

1

professes never to have written any thing on philosophy; and all that has been published in his name he attributes to Socrates. As I am not initiated, it is no wonder if this passage is still a riddle to me, as it was designed to be. Thus much one may divine indeed; namely, that it is a description of the Supreme Being, who is the cause and end of all things, which is an answer to Dionysius's first question; the second seems to be concerning the origin of evil, which Plato does not explain, but refers to a conversation which they had had before.

P. 314. Diduotiwvi.] Philistio was a Syracusan, famous for his knowledge in physick: Eudoxus of Gnidos, a person accomplished in various kinds of learning, was his scholar in this art. Diog. Laert. L. 8. c. 86.

Ib. ETTEVOITTW.] Speusippus had accompanied his uncle Plato into Sicily, and continued there after him; where (as Plutarcho says) he thoroughly acquainted himself with the temper and inclinations of the city, and was a principal promoter of Dion's expedition.

Ib. Τον εκ των Λατομιών.] This was some prisoner of state, as it seems, who was confined in those horrid εστι, καλου και νεου γεγονότος : which is a remarkable passage. This is alluded to by Theodoret, Serm. 1. Vol. 4. ed. Simondi. See Epist. 7. p. 341. Ουκουν εμον γε περι αυτων εστι συγγραμμα ovde unitOTE yevntai, &c. See also Athenæus, L. 15. p. 702.

1 Athenæus, who cites him L. 3. p. 115. calls him a Locrian, as does Plutarch, Sympos. L. 7. Quæst. 1. Maptupwv tw IIXatwvi, προσκαλούμαι Φιλιστιωνα τον Λοκρον, ευ μαλα παλαιον ανδρα, και λαμπρον απο της τεχνης υμων γενομενον. .

See also Rufus Ephe. sius, p. 31. so that this seems the more probable.

2 Plutarch in Dione.

caverns, the Latomiæ, which was the publick dungeon of the Syracusans, being a vast quarry in that part of the city, called the Epipolæ. Thucydides L. 7. and various other authors speak of this place. Tully particularly describes it in the fifth oration against Verres. See Cluverii Sicilia Antiqua. L. 1. p. 149. .

EPISTLE III. To DIONYSIUS. Ol. 105. fe

Plat. Op. Serrani, Vol. 3. p. 315. This epistle, like those to the friends of Dion afterwards, was apparently written to be made publick; and is a justification of Plato's conduct, as well as an invective against the cruelty and falsehood of Dionysius. The beginning of the letter is a reproach, the more keen for being somewhat disguised; and in the rest of it, he observes no longer any measures with the tyrant: whence I conclude, that it was written after that Dion's expedition against him was professedly begun, and perhaps after his entry into Syracuse, particularly from that expression, p. 315. Nûv de Alva διδασκoιμι δραν αυτα ταυτα, και τους διανοημασι τοις σοις την σην αρχην αφαιρουμεθα σε, κτλ.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

P. 315. Ev a pattelv.] This address of letters was first used by Plato instead of Xalpelv, the common form of salutation.

Ib. Τας δε Ελληνιδας πολεις οικιζειν.] The Greek

1 Ælian. Var. Hist. L. 12. c. 44.

verse.

cities, which had been either totally destroyed, or dismantled, and miserably oppressed by the Carthaginians and by the elder Dionysius, were Himera, Agrigentum, Gela, Camerina, Messana, Naxus, Catana, and Leontini.

P. 315. 'Yto Didcotidov.] I doubt not but it should be read Didcotov. Philistus, who had married a natural daughter of Leptines, the king's uncle, and commanded his fleet, was an inveterate enemy of Plato. He had been recalled from his banishment in Italy, on purpose to oppose Dion and his friends. (Plutarch in Dione.)

Ib. Χαιρε και ηδομενον.] The addresses to the Delphick Apollo, as well as his answers, were often in

This of Dionysius seems to have been sent on account of Dion's first successes in Sicily.

P. 316. Nομων προοιμια.] Syracuse had been governed ever since Ol. 91. 4. by the laws of Diocles, whose history and character Diodorus gives us. (L. 13. c. 33. and 35.) Plato began to form a new body of them, but his quarrel with Dionysius, and afterwards the murder of Dion, and the tumults which followed, hindered his system from being brought to any degree of perfection. Timoleon was happier in his great attempt; he restored Syracuse to its liberty, and, with the advice of Cephalus the Corinthian, supplied and amended the laws of Diocles : and afterwards, in the reign of Hiero, they were again revised or corrected by Polylarus. Yet these were only looked on Εξηγηται των Νομων ; Diocles alone bore the title of Νομοθετης, and had publick honours paid to him as to a hero. His laws were adopted by several other cities in the island, and continued in use down to the times

as

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