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to affectation, in the manner of Gorgias, whose pupil he seems to have been.

P.198. Topyelov.] Alluding to Hom. Odyss. A. v. 634. P. 199. H уλwτTa ovv.] An allusion to the Hippolytus of Euripides.

P. 201. Mavrikηs.] It is plain from what follows, that this is as good a reading as Μαντινικης.

P. 202. Diotimia of Mantinea, a prophetess.

Ib. The middle nature of dæmons, which mediate between gods and men.

P. 203. Ilopos.] The god, not of riches, but of expedients and of contrivances.

P. 207. The following verses are attributed to Plato, in the Anthologia, L. 1. c. 90:

Αιων παντα φερει· δολιχος χρονος οιδεν αμείβειν
Ούνομα, και μορφην, και γενος, ηδε τυχην

which sentiment is finely explained here.

P. 213. Uктηрa.] See Athenæus, L. 11, p. 502, on

this kind of vessel.

P. 215. The figures of the Sileni in the shops of the sculptors (ev Tois épμoyλvpeiois) made hollow, which opened and discovered within the statues of the gods. Ib. A yap Oλvμоs.] Such as were initiated became possessed, as soon as they heard these airs. Ρ. 216. Τα δ' Αθηναίων πραττω.] Alcibiades was now very powerful in the state, in the thirty-fifth year of his age.

P. 219. Hσidnpw & Aias.] It should rather seem to be Achilles.

Ib. Zrрareia.] They went thither with the supplies

under the command of Phormio, Ol. 87. 1. Alcibiades being then twenty years of age, and Socrates thirtynine. (See Thucyd. L. 1. s. 64.) The folly of Athenæus, who would prove, against the authority of Plato and of Antisthenes, that Socrates was not in any of these actions, is justly exposed by Casaubon: Annot. ad Athenæum, L. 5. c. 15. We may add, that if the silence of Thucydides could prove anything with regard to Socrates, it would prove, at least as strongly, that Alcibiades was not at Potidea neither; but the contrary is certain from that very oration of Isocrates, to which Athenæus refers, namely, that IIept Zevyoûs, p. 352, where he is said to have gained the Apoτela (which were a crown and a complete suit of armour) before that city; and if the orator had not totally suppressed the name of Socrates, it would have been highly injudicious in a discourse pronounced by the son of Alcibiades, where he was to exalt the character of his father, and by no means to lessen the merit of any of his actions. He left that to his enemies, who (it is likely) did not forget the generosity of Socrates on this occasion. It is clear from the many oversights of Athenæus here, that he either trusted to his memory, or only quoted from his own excerpta, and not from the originals. Plato mentions no second Αριστεία gained at Delium, and only speaks of the coolness and presence of mind shewn by Socrates in his retreat; as he has done also in the Laches. Athenæus affirms, that Alcibiades was not in the battle of Delium, but he assigns no reasons. If he concludes it from the silence of Thucydides, as before, this is nothing, as

that historian mentions none but the commanders in chief on any of these occasions, and often only one or two of the principal of these: but probably Alcibiades and Laches might then only serve as private men.

Ρ. 221. Βρενθυόμενος.] Alluding to the Nubes of Aristophanes.

Ib. Οι λογοι αυτου.] Every one who would read the Socratick dialogues of Plato, Xenophon, &c. should first consider this passage: it is put below in a note.1

Ρ. 222. Ευθύδημος.] Probably the same youth whom Xenophon calls Ευθύδημος ὁ καλος (Memorabil. L. 4. c. 1.), a different person from Euthydemus, the Chian.

This dialogue (particularly the end of it), the Protagoras, the Gorgias, the Euthydemus, &c. are strong instances of Plato's genius for dramatick poetry in the comick kind. Κωμωδείν γαρ ηθελε Πλατων, says Athenæus, L. 5. p. 187, speaking of the character of Aristophanes in this place. See also Olympiodor. in Vitâ Platonis. The Phædo is an instance of Plato's power in the tragick kind.

1 Οἱ λόγοι αυτου ὁμοιοτατοι εισι τοις Σειληνος (see note above on p. 215.) τοις διοιγομενοις. Ει γαρ εθελει τις των Σωκράτους ακούειν λόγων, φανεῖεν αν πανυ γελοιοι το πρωτον ̇ τοιαυτα και ονοματα και ῥηματα εξωθεν περιαμπεχονται Σατυρου αν τινα ὑβριστου δοραν. Ονους γαρ κανθήλιους λεγει, και χαλκεας τινας, και σκυτοτόμους, και βυρσοδεψας, και αει δια των αυτών τα αυτα φαινεται λεγειν· ὥστε απειρος και ανοητος ανθρωπος πᾶς αν των λόγων καταγελασειε διοιγομενους δε ιδων αν τις, και εντος αυτών γιγνομενος, πρωτον μεν νοῦν εχοντας ενδον μονους ευρήσει των λόγων, επειτα θειοτατους, και πλειστα αγαλματα αρετης εν αυτοις εχοντας, και επι πλειστον τείνοντας, μαλλον δε επι πᾶν ὅσον προσηκει σκοπειν τω μελλοντι καλω κάγαθω γενεσθαι. Ταυτ' εστιν, ά εγω Σωκρατ τους επαίνω. Sympos. p. 221.

EUTHYDEMUS.

About Ol. 89. 4.

Platon. Op. Serrani, Vol. 1. p. 271.

THERE is a good deal of humour, and even of the vis comica, in this dialogue. Its end is to expose the vanity and weakness of two famous sophists, and to shew, by way of contrast, the art of Socrates in leading youth into the paths of virtue and of right reason.

NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT.

Ρ. 271. Ου πολυ τι την ἡλικιαν. ] See the Symposium of Xenophon; Ουκ ὁρᾶς οτι τουτω παρα τα ώτα αρτι ιουλος καθέρπει· Κλεινιᾳ δε προς το οπισθεν ηδη αναBaivei; p. 515. From whence it appears, that the time of this dialogue cannot be long after Ol. 89. 4. Ib. Εντευθεν ποθεν εκ Χιου.] The Chians being an Ionian colony from Athens.

Ρ. 272. Κοννω, τω Μητροβιου.] Whether the same with the Tibicen mentioned in the Equites of Aristophanes, v. 531, called Connas, who lived at this time?

P. 273. KтησTOS.] See the Lysis of Plato.

P. 275. Alcibiades, the elder, had two sons, Clinias and Axiochus the first (who was slain at the battle of

Artemisium, Ol. 75. 1.) left behind him two sons, the famous Alcibiades, and Cleinias, his brother. The latter had a son, also called Cleinias, who is the youth here mentioned.

Ρ. 277. Όπερ οι εν τη τελετή.] The ceremony of seating in a chair, and dancing round, a person who is to be initiated in the mysteries of the Corybantes, called Θρόνωσις.

Ρ. 278. Αρα γε παντες ανθρωποι.] This example of & Λογος προτρεπτικος, or exhortation to philosophy, is as noble as the moral it would convey, a truth which Plato had always at heart. Των μεν αλλων ουδεν ειναι ουτε αγαθον ουτε κακον· τουτοιν δε δυοιν οντοιν, ἡ μεν Σοφια αγαθον, ἡ δε Αμαθια κακον.

Ρ. 285. Εις ασκον.] The skin of Marsyas was said to be preserved in the castle of Celænæ (in the greater Phrygia) even in Xenophon's time, Ol. 94. 4, (Cyri Anab. L. 1. p. 146.) and hung there in a grotto, whence the rivulet Marsyas took its rise. It was said to put itself in motion at the sound of a flute.

Ib. Ως οντος του αντιλεγειν.] See Diog. Laert. L. 9. s. 53, de Protagora. We see here that this sophism was older than Protagoras.

Ρ. 287. Ουτως ει Κρονος.] Αρχαιότροπος, simple and old-fashioned. It is scarcely possible to see with patience Plato seriously confuting1 these childish subtleties, as low as any logical quibbles, used by our

1 Plato himself shews, p. 278, that he perfectly understood the just value of them. Παιδιαν δε λεγω δια ταῦτα, οτι ει και πολλα τις, η και παντα τα τοιαυτα, μαθοι, τα μεν πραγματα ουδεν αν μαλλον ειδειη, πη εχει, προσπαιζειν δε διος τ' αν ειη τοις ανθρω ποις, δια την ονοματων διαφοραν ὑποσκελίζων και ανατρεπων.

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