the praises of the woman with the adulation of the Queen; and her disappointment and indignation were therefore proportionally great, when she was so roughly attacked by a young and handsome foreigner. The courtly writer of the letter, however, swears, that she did not lose her dignity in administering the deserved reprimand to the Pole; and he takes care to enjoin Essex to praise her when he should write to court, for the temper and eloquence she displayed on the occasion. It is evident enough that such praises from her favourite were expected, and would be grateful to her. -" There arriued three daies since in the cittie an Ambass out of Poland, a gentleman of excellent fashion, witte, discourse, language, and parson; the Queene was possessed by some of our new counsellors, that are as cunning in intelligence, as in decyphering, that his negotiation tendeth to a proposition of peace. Her Matic in respect that his father the Duke of Finland had so much honored her, besydes the lyking she had of this gentleman's commelines and qualities, brought to her by reporte, did resolue to receaue him publickly, in the Chamber of Presence, where most of the Erles and Noblemen about the Court attended, and made it a great day. He was brought in, attired in a longe robe of black veluett, well jeweld and buttond, and cam to kisse her Mats hands where she stood vnder the state, from whence he straight retired, tene yards of, and then beganne his oration aloude in Latin, with such a gallant countenance, as in my lyfe I neuer behelde. The effect of it was this, that "the King hath sent him to putt her Matic in minde of the auncient confederacies betweene the Kings of Poland and England, that neuer a monarche in Europe did willinglie neglect their friendship, that he had euer friendlie receaued her marchants and subiects of all qualitie, that she had suffered his to be spoiled, without restitution; not for lacke of knowledge of the violences, but out of meere injustice, not caring to minister remedie, notwithstanding many particular petitions and letters receaued; and to confirme her disposition to avowe these courses (violating both the law of nature and nations), because ther were quarels between her and the King of Spaine, she therfor tooke upon her, by mandat, to prohibite him and his countries, assuming therby to her self a superioritie (not tollerable) ouer other princes, nor he determined to endure, but rather wished her to knowe, that yf there were no more then the auncient amitie between Spaine and him, it were no reason, to looke that his subiects should be impedited, much lesse now, when a strickt obligation of bloud had so conioyned him with the illustrious house of Austria:" concluding, that if her Matie would not reforme it, he would. "To this I sweare by the liuing God, that her Matie made one of the best aunswers, ex tempore, in Latin, that euer I heard, being much mooued to be so challenged in publick, especially so much against her expectation. The wordes of her begining were these: "Suerlie, I can hardlie beleeue, that yf the King himself were present, he would haue used such a language, for yf he should, I must haue thought, that his being a king not of many yeares, and that (non de jure sanguinis, sed jure electionis, imò novitèr electus) may happilie leaue him vninformed of that course, wch his fauther and auncestors haue taken with us, and wch peraduenture shal be obserued by those that shall liue to come after him; and as for you, (saied she to the Ambassr,) although I perceaue you haue redde many bookes, to fortifie your arguments in this case, yet am I apt to beleeue, that you haue not lighted upon the chapter, that prescribeth the forme to be used between kings and princes; but were it not for the place you hold, to haue so publickly an imputation throwne upon our justice, wch as yet neuer failed, wee would aunswer this audacitie of yours in an other style; and for the particulars of y' negotiations, wee will ap point some of our counsell to conferre with you, to see upon what ground this clamor of yours hath his fundation, who haue showed y'self rather an heralde, then an ambassador." I assure your LP, though I am not apt to wonder, I must confesse before the liuing Lord, that I neuer heard her, (when I know her spirits were in passion) speake with better moderation in my lyfe. "You will thinke it strange that I am thus idle, as to use an other bo dies hand: I assure you, I haue hurte my thumme at this hower, and be cause the Queene tould me, she was sorrye you heard not his Latin and hers, I promised her to make you partaker of as much as I could remember, being as I knew the worst you would expect from her, and yet the best could come from any other; yf therefore this my lettre finde you, and that you write backe, I pray you take notice that you were pleased to heare of her wise and eloquent an swer. Burghley Papers, 1597. Mus. Brit. Bibl. Lansdown. Vol. 85. ON THE PROPER USE OF TERMS IN WRITING. MR EDITOR, THE use of appropriate terms to convey information with effect, or to describe objects with accuracy, is one of the first beauties in written composition; and I trust I shall have your indulgence, and that of the readers of the Edinburgh Magazine, while I point out one or two incongruities which are to be met with in the works of many respectable authors. No expression in descriptive writing is more frequent, than that such or such a lake is a "beautiful sheet of water;"-and yet no term is more indefinite or worse understood than this. To a stranger to the object described, it may imply an extent of water fifty miles in diameter; while perhaps to another, it does not suggest a space larger than a mill-pond. It is evident that, unless the author who uses a term so undefined, specifies the actual length and breadth of the water he describes, no person can form the slightest idea of the dimensions of this said sheet of water. As an improvement on the expression, I take the liberty to suggest a plan by which such indefinite description may be avoided, without changing the word now in general use. I would term all the largest lakes or expanses of water, say, for instance, not less than fifty miles in length and ten in breadth, a sheet of water;-those of less dimensions, or twenty-five miles in length and five in breadth, a half sheet;-those of smaller size a quarter sheet; and lakes still smaller than these may be distinguished by the terms octavo pages of water, duodecimo pages, &c.-till the most insignificant pond should have a distinctive name, that should represent its relative size to the mind with sufficient accuracy. To the public the introduction of this plan would be of essential service; and if it were once generally adopted, no one could be at a loss to conceive the meaning of another. Few persons who read books are ignorant of the comparative sizes into which paper is folded; and if the appointed standard were to be fool'scap, many respectable authors would find themselves at home. Another expression of unrestricted meaning frequently met with in books, is an arm of the sea." The writers who first used this term had certainly their reasons for doing so. Perhaps they metaphorically supposed the sea an animal; but if they took the idea from the human species, and gave the name of arm to places relatively situated in the ocean, there is an incongruity in the expression which is really ludicrous; for no analogy can reconcile either an arm or the bottom of the sea to the corresponding parts in the "human form divine." Sometimes we find the phrase, arm of the sea, put for a navigable inlet 100 miles in length-at other times a creek. not extending so many yards is so denominated. If the sea is to be a metaphorical monster (and so it must be, for it has more than a hundred arms in Scotland alone), why do not geographers lay down the position of its legs as well as its arms? or, if it has no legs, may it not have fins and a tail? A ridge or chain of mountains running across, or traversing an island or a continent, is another phrase in very common use among our geographical writers; whereas the fact is, that the said ridges, luckily for the stability of the earth's surface, continue, and have continued since the creation, in their accustomed places. Knowing of no good reason, either moral, political, or orthographical, for using these misapplied metaphorical terms, may I beg to suggest, that authors ought to employ words which, in their meaning, include the immoveability of the se fixtures of nature. I know not, Sir, what you may think on this subject; but it is certainly a scrious thing to unsettle all our notions of gravity, by making mountains rise or ascend in majesty, and even pierce the very clouds which dim them to our sight. In the foregoing remarks I refer only to works which treat of matters of fact, not to works of fiction. I have no desire to curb the genius of our poets, by taking one word out of their vocabulary. Let the roaring of the sea in a tempest, or the soft murmur of its almost quiescent waves in a calm, be granted to those who would personify a poker, or apostrophize a coffee-pot. And rivers may glide, rush, and hasten with fearful velocity,-bend, twist, and stretch ;— or, if they please, steal gently along, and kiss the wild-flowers which overhang their banks, in peace, and without molestation from me;-provided it be always understood, that these phrases are merely figures or fictions of speech, and convey nothing which can disturb our belief of the earth's stability, or shake our faith in the received ideas which divide animated from inanimate matter. I am, Sir, yours, &c. PETER PANGLOSS, LL.D. OBSERVATIONS ON THE PRINCIPLES OF THE POOR-LAWS. signed to promote trade, and the arti ficial system by which they encumbered it, was the result, not of any ill intention, but of ignorance. Their plans not harmonizing with the great and original laws of society, thwarted its progress, and counteracted the first principles of social improvement.— Such, however, was unquestionably far from their intention. In the case also of the English system of poorlaws, we cannot doubt that the intentions of the legislators were exceedingly laudable. Their object was to relieve the poor at the expence of the rich,-to take from those who were amply provided with all the superfluities of life what was necessary for the support of the destitute. The intention was here benevolent in the extreme. But the evils which have flowed from this erring benevolence, have taught us the necessity of not rashly giving way to appearances, but of rigidly canvassing the merits of all those projects of benevolence, however specious an aspect they may assume, and of examining not merely whether the object in view be a good one, but whether the means proposed afford any chance of accomplishing it. According to these principles, we propose shortly to examine the nature and policy of the English system of poor-laws. As it is by the industry of the labouring classes that the community at large are provided with food, clothing, and lodging, it seems at first view both reasonable and humane, that when this useful class fall into pover whose comfort they so largely administer, should contribute to their relief; and there is no question, that if, in any season of general distress, the poor could be relieved by the simple process of assessing the rich, both humanity and sound policy would justify the most effectual measures for this purpose. But experience too fatally proves that the system of general assessments on the rich for the relief of the poor, produces effects precisely the reverse of those intended; In the union of integrity and wisdom consists the perfection of government, and from the want of some one of these two essential requisites to govern, every species of mal-administration necessarily flows. In the pasty and want, the richer classes, to sing of laws which are directed to the general good of the community at large, and which are wholly unconnected with the personal interests of individuals, it is impossible that legislators can have had any sinister purpose in view. In this branch of legislation, therefore, their errors must proceed, not from a want of integrity, but from a want of wisdom,from a want of those just and comprehensive views of the nature of society, without which no legislator can ever be qualified to regulate its complex concerns. In all those laws, for example, which have been passed for the encouragement of commerce, there is no reason to believe that their authors had any other object in view than what they professed. They really de that, so far from relieving their dis tress, or in any respect improving their condition, it plunges them into the lowest depths of vice and misery,degrading their moral habits,-eradi cating from their minds every feeling of honest independence, reconciling them to idleness and beggary,-and finally, increasing the distress which it is intended to relieve. Those va rious evils have been sometimes ascribed to the faulty administration of the system, and many cases of gross corruption and mismanagement have no doubt been pointed out. But a system which professes benevolence, and which is thus fruitful in all the worst of evils, must be wrong not merely in detail, but in principle. It must have some inherent quality of mischief by which so much intended good is transmuted into so much practical evil. The two great calamities to which the labourer is chiefly exposed, are a want of subsistence or a want of employment. A want of food may either arise from a deficiency in the usual supply, or the same effect may be produced by an over abundant popula tion. In either case, a smaller supply has to be divided among a larger number of consumers, and in these circumstances it is evident that a smaller share must fall to the lot of each. The deficient supply is divided among the consumers in smaller portions by means of a higher price; the price rising in consequence of the deficiency, until the labourer is disabled from purchasing the same quantity as before. The evil falls upon the rich in the form of a tax; they use the same quantity of subsistence as before; but they purchase it at a higher price. The wages of the labourer not being sufficient for this, he is put upon short allowance; and it is by his savings that the deficient supply is made to last out the year. In such cases, the law has generally interfered to regulate wages, or to extort money from the rich in order to divide it among the poor, the principle in either case being the same, namely, the making a general distribution of money among the labourers to enable them to consume the same quantity of a scarcer commodity. We shall suppose the annual consumption of a country to amount to 100 millions of quarters of wheat. In consequence of a bad harvest the supply falls short by 10 millions. It is clear, therefore, that, by some means or other, the deficient supply of 90 millions, in the same manner as formerly the more abundant supply of 100 millions, must be made to last the same number of consumers the VOL. 1. same length of time. It is equally evident that, for this purpose, a certain proportion of the community must consume less, and they are reduced to this diminished consumption by the rise of price. But the system which we are considering makes a general distribution of money among the labourers, that they may be enabled to procure the same quantity of provisions as before ;-or, in other words, that they may be enabled to consume 100 millions when the whole produce only amounts to 90 millions. It is evident, therefore, that for the evil of scarcity, a general distribution of money affords no relief whatever. The other evil to which the labourer is exposed, namely, a general scarcity of work, can only be adequately relieved by increasing the funds of productive industry. The employment of the poor in work-houses, which is the remedy provided by the law, creates no new fund for the maintenance of labour. It merely diverts a portion of the old stock into a different channel. Even if there were no such establishments, the materials which are there worked up, would set industry in motion under the more careful inspection of the private manufacturer; and the effect of such projects is not to increase the funds of industry, but to change their management,—to take them froin those who have an interest in faithfully administering them, and to place them under less careful overseers, where they may be abused or lost. All such projects, therefore, for the relief of the labouring classes, are of the most mischievous operation. They originate in the most mistaken and partial views, and manifest an ignorance of those great and general laws on which the structure of society is framed, and to which, all subordinate regulations ought to be accommodated. But although the evil of this system be now generally admitted, it has been acted upon so universally, and to such an extent in England, that it has become a question of serious difficulty in what manner all its various evils can now be checked. So widely has it spread the evil of mendicity,-so thoroughly has it corrupted the moral feeling of the great mass of the community, and so general, of late years, has been the stagnation of trade, and the want of employment, among the E labouring classes, that a vast train of helpless dependents are now attached to it, who cannot be suddenly cast off to misery and want. And in this indeed consists one great evil of every erroneous and artificial scheme of policy, that, in the course of time, it establishes itself among the fixed and settled arrangements of society, so that, however sensible we may be of its mischiefs, we cannot suddenly remove it without producing the most extensive disorder and mischief. This naturally creates hesitation among those who, however they may feel the evil, are desirous to accomplish the proposed reformation at the least possible expence of present misery. In the case of the English poor-laws, however, the malady is not stationary. It is making continual progress, it is gradually undermining the sound and healthy constitution of society, and it requires, therefore, to be checked by seasonable and vigorous remedies. The system established in Eng land, of a compulsory provision for the relief of the poor, originated in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and the various statutes which were passed on this important subject, were consolidated into one general law, by the 43d of her reign. This statute enacts, that "the churchwardens and overseers" shall take order from time to time (with the consent of two or more justices) for setting to work the children of all such whose parents shall not be thought able to keep and maintain their children; and also for setting to work all such persons, married or unmarried, having no means to maintain them, and use no ordinary or daily trade of life to get their living by; and also to raise by taxation, &c. a convenient stock of flax, &c. to set the poor on work;" and also competent sums of money for and towards the necessary relief of the lame, impotent, old, blind, and such other among them, being poor and not able to work." By this law the churchwardens are invested with the important power of taxing the people for the support of the poor, or for setting to work poor children, or such as had no employment. All the various details of the system, the mode of making the assessment, the species of property to which it was to be extended, were either left entirely to their discretion, or no precise rule was prescribed for their conduct; nor was any adequate security provided by the law for the upright administration of the funds which they were empowered to raise. The statute is framed in vague and general terms. The object which it proposes is indeed plain and obvious, as well as the vast powers which it creates; but it contains no adequate provision for regulating the exercise of these powers; it trusts the whole practical detail of the measure to the discretion of individuals. In the administration of this system of compulsory charity, disputes have in consequence been continually arising respecting the legality of the proceedings of the churchwardens, and respecting another important point, namely, the species of property which is legally rateable to the parish contributions. This has been a most fertile subject of legal wrangling, insomuch, that the money expended on law-suits amounted in 1815 to L.285,000; and amid the series of contradictory decisions and statutes by which the subject is perplexed, there is still ample scope for new doubts and interminable disputes. It is generally believed, that the intention of the legislature was to subject every species of property to contribution. But in practice, so many difficulties have been experienced in enforcing this law against personal property, that the burden falls almost exclusively on land and houses, and it has been gradually encroaching upon the income derived from this source, until it threatens in some cases its total extinction. At the time when the 43d Elizabeth was passed, it might have been easily foreseen, that a system of compulsory provision for the relief of the poor, established and acted upon throughout the kingdom, would necessarily tend to relax the principle of private exertion,—that the stimulus to industry, frugality, and foresight, being once withdrawn, misery would increase, that claimants thus continually arising, the administrators of those funds would be gradually overborne by the importunate solicitations of beggary, new that, in place of any nice discrimination between the cases of different claimants, the easy process would be adopted of confounding them all un |