I trust enough has been said to establish this principle, that public transactions should be conducted in public offices, and through channels which may ultimately be public. A minister of state ought never to lose sight of that character; nor can the habits of private life ever be substituted, with advantage, for the salutary forms of diplomacy. In one word, the transaction of which I am speaking, cannot be more aptly described, than in the language which has been so justly applied to the whole negociation, of which it forms a part, viz. that it displays cunning and duplicity on the one side, acting upon weakness and simplicity on the other. And as it is a circumstance new to the diplomatic history of this country, so I trust it is an example which will be buried with the statesman who introduced it.

Hampshire Election.

Five weeks of the session of parliament have elapsed, and the petition of the Hampshire Freeholders has not been presented to the house of commons. I entertain no doubt but that there are good reasons for the delay; among others, that many members are not yet come to town. As, however, there exists a strong report in the county that it never will be presented, if much longer delay takes place unaccounted for, I shall feel it my duty to address myself to the subject, in a way for which I sincerely hope there will not be any occasion.

On the Advantages of Regular Convoys.

By the arrival this day of H. M. S. Ramilies, to take charge of the West India fleet, a prospect has, at last, appeared of getting away from this place. The great loss and disappointment occasioned by the want of attention to the West India trade, both out and home, can only be calculated, in its full extent, by the merchants and planters, whose interests are but too often neglected. When it is considered, that, agreeable to the admiralty's own appointment, it is two months since a considerable part of this fleet, then collected with supplies for the colonies, ought to have sailed; no advocate for government can plead their excuse in being so dilatory.

To prevent, if possible, such evils happening in future, must be the desire of every well-wisher to his country; as, where the trade is neglected, the revenue must suffer proportionally. There is not the least doubt, were a proper plan of convoys established, the trade might be completely accommodated, and equally protected, to what we have been accustomed to; and even at a less expense to the navy than the present uncertain system.

'The war we have long been and still are engaged in, has every appearance of being durable; and unless redress is applied for, and speedily granted, it is to be feared the trade will go to ruin. If you think the following outlines worthy of a place in your paper, I hope they will be acceptable to some of your readers and may fall into fitter hands to improve them.

By way of accommodating the trade, at the least possible expense to government, I would propose having but one general rendezvous for the ships of the metropolis and all the out ports. For this purpose, I think the port of Falmouth well adapted ; letting the ships, by all possible means, take advantage of such coasting convoys as may offer to protect them on their way to the rendezvous. I propose the appointment of a resident naval officer to have the charge of this department; a boat or two -with proper crews under his orders, would be of great use in getting a fleet dispatched; many of the merchant ships are unavoidably manned with crews that are not seamer, and when they get into difficulties in narrow water, (that with a little assistance might be avoided) they are often left behind.

I would propose a convoy to sail every month outwards; every second of these convoys to proceed to Jamaica, and to allow them to return in rotation. This would give a convoy homewards every two months from each station. A frigate or 44 gun ship, and a sloop of war, except in extraordinary cases, might be sufficient for the protection of each fleet. In this case there never could be a greater number employed in this service, at one time, than seven ships of each of these classes. If an additional sloop of war could be allowed to each flect, it would be of great service in hauling to the southward, at a proper station, with the ships for Surinam, Berbice, and Demerara; and taking the ships (homeward bound) from these colonies to the

1

islands to join convoy. Even allowing this addition, it would only take seven frigates and fourteen sloops. When the number of this class in commission are looked at, so small a proportion may certainly be spared for the accommodation and protection of this valuable branch of our trade; and it is also to be taken into consideration, that ships of war thus employed may be as successful in destroying the enemy's privateers, as the ships that are out in quest of them.

From the system of regular convoys, we see the Baltic trade carried on in its season with as much dispatch as if we were at peace; and when it is considered that from the rendezvous of the Nore, Grimsby, Leith, and Long Hope, 50 to 60 convoys sail annually for the Baltic, the Elbe, and Weser, it cannot be thought unreasonable to calculate twelve for the Windward Island and Jamaica trade. This trade certainly raises a proportion of revenue from convoy and tonnage duty, greater than any other branch of our trade.

Were a regular system of convoys established, it would save to the navy the expense occasioned by the detention in port of ships of war appointed to act as partial convoy : in the present mode of conducting convoys this detention always takes place, less of more. One instance is just now. in point. The Princess Charlotte, one of the finest frigates in his majesty's service, has been at Cork upwards of three months-Had she been appointed in turn to take charge of the fleet, she might, by this time, have been on the passage home.

of

Frequent convoys would case the minds of commanding officers having the charge of them, as they have it in their power to get to sea with a small fleet when it would be imprudent to attempt it with a large fleet. They would also have it in their power to tack or wear in the night, which cannot be done with a large fleet, without risk of damage to some, and destruction to others. It would also prevent the risk of separation, which, with a large fleet in a winter passage, is unavoidable: this separation is calculated on to such certainty by the enemy, that it is the cause of the swarm of privateers which cruize to windward of Barbadoes. At this season of the year in particular, they can have no inducement to remain there for the chance any running ship they may capture. Preventing by every possible means separation, would be an incalculable saving to the underwriters; for this purpose, I would propose that when a fleet, from bad weather, or other causes, cannot get away at the time appointed, the men of war to have charge of the next division should fall in, that as the number of merchant men increases, the strength to protect and to keep them together may also increase: this would also keep the convoys homeward regular. A system of this kind would increase the revenue arising from convoy and tonnage duty, as many ships might make two voyages a year with as much ease as they now make one: it would also put it in the power of the concerned to pay something of income tax. A system of that kind would prevent the numerous cross applications made to the admiralty, and often from the same place, by one party to have a convoy dispatched, and by another to have it put off. It would keep the planters always regularly supplied, and prevent the necessity of having recourse to the American intercourse bill; at the same time, it would prevent a glut of market either at home, or in the colonies. At home, it is severely felt just now in the sale of produce from the great fleets that arrived together in October; and those concerned can calculate on nothing else abroad, when three fleets are going so nearly together, viz. St. George and convoy, from Portsmouth; Blonde and convoy, from Falmouth; and the Ramilies, and a convoy of four months collecting, from Cork. The above is part of what, in my opinion, might be expected from regular convoys. I shall mention one thing that I am certain would result from any plan that would give least delay in the West Indies. It would be the means of saving the lives of many brave fellows, who perish annually in the pestilential climes of Suriñam, Berbice, and Demerara; exclusive of many of the islands that are also fatal to Europeans. Any person the least acquainted with these countries knows well the direful ravages made by contagion getting on board ships at any period of their stay there;' and much more so when it gets on board a loaded ship, where there is no accommodation for the sick, where there is no hospital on shore, and where the existing Dutch laws will not allow seamen affected with fever to be landed. There are many instances of the crews of ships keeping perfectly healthy till the loading

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is completed; then there is no place of comfort to avoid the hot sun and night dews; the consequence of such exposure is sickness; and, of those unfortunately attacked, death is the consequence to the greatest proportion; and their neighbours have not the least prospect of getting speedily away to cheer their drooping spirits, and must calculate on meeting a similar fate in their turn. What must we think when our country has an avowed naval superiority, that ships should be pent up in these rivers, waiting convoy for three or four months at a time? As it is a duty incumbent on the legislature to encourage, by every possible means, the increase of seamen, it must consequently be a double duty, to prevent, by every possible exertion, their decrease, particularly in this melancholy way.

I can see nothing against trying a system of this kind, unless it were possible for me to suppose myself an inhabitant of Cove; in which case, I should have good reason to exclaim against it, as the detention of fleets is the harvest of Cove. When it is considered that the fleet now collected have disbursed £8000 to £9000, and that one-third of this sum is extortion, it would no doubt be a bad business to lose any part of this branch of their trade. Beef, that may be purchased in the adjacent country, at 26s. per cwt. is at Cove, 40s. to 45s. and every thing in proportion. This is not all: if you are detained, and have consequently reduced your stock of provisions, you cannot land to replenish your stores, without paying the surveyors and their crew the extortionate demand of a guinea and a crown, for no other trouble than to put out their hands to receive them. This from every ship that calls in the course of the year, makes a very pretty sinecure.

Cove of Cork, Jan. 2, 1807. ·

MIDDLE LATITUDE.

Mr. Bowles shall certainly appear next week, together with our old acquaintance, Alexander Davison, esq. of incorruptible fame.

American State Paper.-continued from page 48.

"Having received information, that in another part of the United States a great number of private individuals were combining together, arming and organizing them-selves, contrary to law, to carry on a military expedition against the territories of Spain, I thought it necessary, by proclamation, as well as by special orders, to take measures for preventing and suppressing this enterprise; for seizing the vessels, arms, and other means provided for it; and for arresting, and bringing to justice, its authors and abettors. It was due to that good faith which ought ever to be the rule of action in public, as well as in private, transactions; it was due to good order, and regular government, that while the public force was acting strictly on the defensive, and merely to protect our citizens from aggression, the criminal attempts of private individuals, to decide for their country the question of peace or war, by commencing active and unauthorised hostilities, should be promptly and efficaciously suppressed.

"Whether it will be necessary to enlarge our regular force will depend on the result of our negotiations with Spain. But, as it is uncertain when that result will be known, the provisional measures requisite for that, and to meet any pressure intervening to that quarter, will be a subject for your early consideration.

"The possession of both banks of the Mississippi, reducing to a single point the defence of that river, its waters, and the country adjacent, it becomes highly neces sary to provide for that point a more adequate security. Some position above its mouth, commanding the passage of the river, should be rendered sufficiently strong to cover the armed vessels which may be stationed there for defence; and, in conjunction with them, to present an insuperable obstacle to any force attempting to pass. The approaches to the city of New Orleans, from the eastern quarter, also, will require to be examined, and more effectually guarded. For, the internal support of the country, the encouragement of a strong settlement on the western side of the Mississippi, within reach of New Orleans, will be worthy the consideration of the legislature. (To be continued.)

LONDON: Printed by W. MARCHANT, 3, Greville-Street, Holborn; and published by H. R. YORKE, 412, Strand, opposite the Adelphi,

Mr REDHEAD YORKE's WEEKLY POLITICAL REVIEW.

Vol. II. N° 5.

Saturday, January 31, 1807.

Price 10d.

65 POLITICAL.

SLAVE TRADE NON-IMPORTATION BILL.

The planters, mortagees, and others concerned in the isl.ind of Trinidad, presented, on the 21st instant, a petition to the house of lords, praying, that the slave trade abolition bill might not pass into a law, or, at least, that clauses might be introduced exempting the island of Trinidad from its operation, until its negro population should be upon a par with the other islands.

Now, although it was not to be expected that the subject of this petition should have provoked any discus ion, at the time it was presented, yet I cannot resist the opportunity of offering a few observations upon the subject, more especially, as the important question, relative to the total abolition of the slave trade, will be discussed in the house of lords next Monday.

In the last number, I mentioned the circumstance of the importation of 200 Chinese into the island of Trinidad, as one of the wretched resources to which the West India planters have been obliged to resort for the cultivation of their lands. After the confusion of tongues at Babel, and the subsequent dispersion of the human race, men formed themselves into distinct nations, each nation speaking the same language; whence, according to some reasoners, wars were engendered among men who could not understand each other; which is as much as to say, if they could have understood each other, they would not have gone to war. Now, the profound policy of ministers must be apparent to every one, who reflects upon the ultimate effects of their enlightened views. For it is now obvious, that it is their object to restore mankind to that happy state which they enjoyed before the confusion at Babel, by collecting together all the scattered tongues, as a preliminary to the revival of the primitive universal language. Accordingly, they have commenced their operations, by sanctioning the importation of the Chinese into the West Indies, because the language of the Chinese is the least complicated, the best understood, and the easiest to learn of any upon the face of the earth. Hence, what with the Chinese tongue, the various dialects of the African tongue, the semi-demi-quavers of the negroes already colonized, and transplanted to Trinidad; what with the English, Spanish, and Dutch tongues, spoken by the tribes of these different nations who have migrated to that colony, together with a spice of the French nasal slang, fised through the nostrils of that detestable race of bipeds; I think there can be no doubt, but that a grand reformation will shortly take place in the West Indies; and that the light which the mother countries had communicated to their remote possessions, will be reflected back by them with additional lustre. Thus, universal peace will overspread the earth; our swords will be turned into pruning hooks, our gunpowder into molasses; and even the blessings of the new age will be extended to the brutal creation; for the kid will sleep in security beside the lion, the fox will play with the chicken, and we shall all be brothers.

It is impossible not to contemplate this dawn of an happier age, without feeling an extasy of joy; especially, as we were assured at the peace of Amiens, that Trinidad would, sooner or later, become the emporium of our colonial trade, and the wonder of the world. Every thing which was then asserted relative to the vast advantages of the colony, is now rapidly fulfilling; for all the nations of the earth will be gathered together therein, and then we may rest assured, the judgment day will come. Repent, therefore, ye West Indian planters, for the day of retribution is at hand! Previous, however, to the consummation of this blessed event, there are a few little trifles which ministers, in their wisdom, will have to overcome. I shall, at present, confine myself to the specification of one only of them. Is it certain that the impor

NO.5.

* Goguet. Orig. des Lois.

tation of so many non-descripts will compensate for the labour of negroes, so as to render sugar a saleable cominodity? I know very well that a man and a hog are the only two animals that are able to live in any country, and under any climate; but the question is, whether there be not specific differences in the various classes of men, which give to hogs a manifest superiority over them in this respect? Experience demonstrates, that there are some species of men who cannot work and live so well in certain climates, as other species of men. Hence, wherever this is the case, there must arise either an increased demand for labourers to supply the diminishing population, or the risk of a stagnation in the culture of the soil; both of them evils of great magnitude. The expense of transporting these men, and of supporting them in the colonies, must enhance the price of commodities to such a degree, as to enable other states to undersell us; and the misfortune is aggravated by the consideration, that such expense will be quadrupled, in comparison with that of the present system, without having undergone the same advantage of experiment. An attempt of this kind was made in 1763, by the court of Versailles, for the cultivation of Guiana; and the result was, that, after having expended above one million sterling upon the speculation, twelve thousand human beings were the victims of its mistaken policy, If we separate morals from politics, the course which ministers have to pursue is suffi ciently reconcileable to our feelings; but, if these be blended together, as they ought always to be, in matters of public polity, it would be worth while to consider, whether any experiment has yet been made, to ascertain the average increase and decrease of negro population in any one of our colonies, or upon any particular estates, in order that we may come at the fact, whether the planter's business canbe conducted, so as to make it worth his toil, risk, and expense, without the intervention of the slave trade. If it should hereafter be found that it cannot, the legislature of this country will be involved in a very painful dilemma: for it must either relinquish every idea of extracting resources in support of the national opulence from the West Indies; or, what is worse, it must be compelled to resort again to the slave trade, the revival of which, after so much abuse of our ancestors, and of the present race of planters, will be incongruous with the enlightened philanthropy of this age. There is a manifest distinction between the toleration of a principle long established. and the revival of it, after it had been solemnly abolished on the alleged motives of justice, humanity, and policy. Some regard also should be had for the opinion which the subsequent revival of the trade would necessarily excite among the negroes of the colonies. All these reasonings shew forcibly, with what extreme delicacy our legislators should approach the subject; since calamity threatens the West Indian proprietors in either alternative, and through them, the commercial and maritime opulence of the nation must suffer also.

ALIENS.

Notwithstanding the frequent animadversions which have been made in various numbers of the preceding volume, upon the negligence and indifference of the police relative to foreigners in this country, I feel myself constrained to revive the subject, from the uncommon laxity which pervades this department of the government. Within the last two months the ministerial papers have thought proper to advert to the same topic, and have not failed to announce to their readers, that government had, at length, become extremely vigilant in this respect. But why become vigilant, at length? Why not vigilant long ago? Laws are enacted for the purpose of preserving the country from the intrigues and villainies of these incendiaries in sheep's clothing, and yet these laws are not enforced. I did hope, that the repeated letters which I formerly addressed to lord Spencer, concerning the aliens resident among us, would have met with as much attention as the importance of the facts detailed in them merited; and certain it is, that some energy has been displayed in the course of the last six or seven months. But of what advantage is the fugitive activity of a week or two weeks, when all the rest of the year a system of apathy and forbearance is pursued? The government ought not to wait for information respecting the conduct of aliens, before it proceeds to act against them; it ought to be its own informer; it ought to superintend the actions of all those persons, who, during the state of war, arrive in our island; and whose motives, however good, afford a reasonable ground for national jealousy. If their object in coming here be honourable,