any pain to his majesty's feelings, (--) which we had been tormenting by all our measures for above a twelvemonth) we endeavoured to modify the bill. But finding this could not be done without destroying the vital essence of the measure, (- -) preventing all the great mischiefs that were intended by it) and without doing away that which would be satisfactory to the catholics. (--) No, we knew very well that the catholics would be satisfied now, if we would but let them alone, and that this bill would render them completely dissatisfied, by leading them on from claim to claim: and we knew too, that it would greatly diminish the public force, by inducing the catholic part of it to withdraw itself till all its extragavant and preposterous demands were complied with.) We therefore proposed to abandon it altogether, in deference of the feelings of his majesty. At the same time we felt it necessary, for the vindication of our characters, (- -) and to keep his majesty's feelings in perpetual uneasiness) to insert a minute in the proceedings of the cabinet, that, from the opinions and principles they had, on many occasions, expressed in parliament, and from a just solicitude for the interest of the empire, (--) by destroying it's constitution) they must consistently reserve to them'seves the right of submitting, at all times, for his majesty's decision, such measures as they might deem advisable and expedient for the benefit of Ireland, (--) especially that which has a tendency to drench it in the blood of its inhabitants !)

This done, his majesty (--) with a condescension and patience in such a ease, almosť inconceivable! only) required," that ministers should subscribe an assurance, in writing, that they would never propose the question again, nor any measure connected with it," (--) so as to subvert the constitution, and dethrone himself) this, ministers (--) most fortunately, I must own, for this country, and for Europe!) refused to comply with; and I make an (--) impudent and traiterous) appeal to this house, and the country, whether such an objection could be patiently discussed, much less subscribed to, by any man who ever entertained a correct notion of public duty, or was susceptible of a feeling worthy of a respectable public station. (--) That is to say, I appeal to the house, and the country, whether his majesty (whom we never style gracious, or any thing of that sort) be a man who ever entertained a correct notion of public duty, or is susceptible of a feeling worthy of a respectable station. Thus have we approached, as near as we possibly could do, to the precedents of a Charles and a Louis, by erecting the nation into a tribunal, and summoning our sovereign to appear and plead at its bar, or silently to submit to its decisions!)

Thus, sir, the application of my irresistible spell, has, I flatter myself, brought this half-popish speaker to a confession of many things that he wished to conceal, and possibly of somewhat that all the talents' might not have themselves discovered. I sincerely wish that the same talisman could be applied to ALL whig club speeches and writings. If you approve of it, as I fear I cannot often exercise it myself, I should be proud and happy to lend and recommend it to you, sir, or any other friend of his country, who will handle it with a better grace, and use it with a greater effect. TOUCHSTONE,

THE IRISH PEASANTRY.

But for one end, one much neglected use

Are riches worth your care; (for Nature's wants
Are few, and without opulence supplied :)

This noble end is, to produce the soul;

To shew the virtues in their fairest light;
To make humanity the minister

Of bounteous providence, and teach the breast
That generous luxury the gods enjoy.

ARMSTRONG.

Sir-It was my intention to have troubled you, prior to this, with a few remakrs upon the present state of Ireland, but as your correspondent, "Observator," has in this respect anticipated my design, I shall merely offer a few suggestions which have occurred to me since the perusal of his letter. That" charity should begin at home,” is, I confess, generally considered to be a selfish and unfeeling maxim. But, like all other things, it is liable to exceptions, and in one instance, at least, I shall endeavour to prove that the enforcement of this adage is highly proper; not to say, absolutely necessary. With a generosity peculiar to themselves, do the English peo ple hasten to alleviate the distresses, as well of their fellow-subjects, as of aliens

and strangers. Not an inhabitant is there of the continental states, who, beholding the miserable condition of his own country, does not ardently wish he had been born in this land of freedom; not a nation is there, throughout the habitable world, that has not in its turn experienced the warmth of British hearts. Yet, though ever ready to console the wretched, we do not always, I fear, take an equal interest in the welfare of those, whom a superiority of power has placed under our own dominion, and who are consequently intitled to our more immediate protection.

The Irish peasantry, for it is of them I speak, in the vicinity of large towns, may possibly enjoy a considerable share of the comforts of life, but the condition of those who inhabit the interior is, beyond a doubt, extremely different. Many personages of distinction, from various ostensible reasons, declining to reside upon their estates, the management of their property must necessarily devolve upon their stewards. And, though I do not by any means, wish to imitate that traveller, who, passing through a frontier town, and finding in the inn, at which he stopped to take refreshment, an intoxicated landlord, and a red haired hostess; gave out, upon his return home, that all the men of that province were drunken, and all the women carotty; still I must insist that many of these superintendants make an ill-use of the authority, with which they are invested, and oppress the vassals of their lords to promote their own interests. An Irish peasant is seldom so fortunate as to obtain a lease of his humble dwelling; and should he therefore unhappily offend his superior, he is exposed to the chance of being turned out with all his helpless family into the wide and uncharitable world. If he be able to procure a small quantity of live stock, it may be productive of advantage, but not to himself. The rent must be satisfied, be it raised ever so often; and presents must also be occasionally offered as a propitiatory sacrifice, to avert the displeasure of his honour's honour.

Add to all this-that this race of men are from the very tenure of the holdings, kept in a state of vassalage and dependance, and it is no uncommon case if the peasant disobliges his lord by not leaving his little spot of ground uncultivated in the sowing time, or refusing to desert his corn in harvest time, to labour at his lord's private manor to give him immediate notice to quit his home. Moreover, from this mode of proceeding arises another evil.-The Irish peasant, holding only as tenant at will, has no stimulative to industry; for he well knows, that the increasing fertility of his land will encourage the landlord, or at least, his subordinate agent, to raise the rent. And here, I cannot but observe, though with great reluctance, that some avaricious spirits, to gratify their love of wealth, or for other purposes, to enumerate which would be wholly unaccessary, will occasionally employ a quibbling lawyer, to discover a flaw in a lease granted by their ancestors, in order that a poor farmer may be turned out, and a more substantial person placed in his stead.Let it not be supposed, sir, that this statement is exaggerated. The authority from which I speak is, I may venture to say, incontrovertible. The pitiable situation, to which these peasants are sometimes reduced, drives them to desperation, and often times urges them to some notorious dereliction from their duty. In consequence of the dreadful mischief done by the rebel bands, it has been found expedient at various times, to introduce martial law. The alternate movements of the royal army, and of its opponents have greatly injured the progress of agriculture, and laid waste the face of the land. Time alone, united with peace and industry, can again restore it to its former flourishing condition. It has been argued, that a difference of religious opinion is the principal cause of discontent amongst the lower orders of the Irish; that their priests, in imitation of the ancient Druids, unfurl the bloody banner of contention, and inspire their followers with a degree of madness and enthusiasm, which encourages them to brave the most terrific dangers. These ideas, I can by no means adopt. From the best information I have been enabled to collect, it appears, that the Irish peasantry, if treated with common humanity, are obliging and inofensive: and, though naturally of a hasty disposition, yet ever ready to forgive; the free exercise of their religion, and uninterrupted possession of their little cabins, is all they desire. Grant them but this, and tumult will cease, and hideous anarchy will henceforth hide her "diminished head." It is much safer to reconcile an enciny than to conquer him. VICTORY deprives him of his POWER: but RECON CILIATION, of his WILL; and there is less danger in a will, which will not hurt, than in a power which cannot. Far is it from my intention to assert, that it is an act

of negligence in any particular administration, or the fault of any particular age, that the subjects of the British empire, in whose behalf I am now pleading, are thus uncomfortably situated. The amelioration of their circumstances must be a work of ti.ne. In the interim, let me seriously recommend all thoughtful persons to interest themselves in the welfare of their servants; let not the lord abuse his tenant, for it is possible he may fall below him. There should be a mutuality between the chief and his vassals. The lord should serve them with necessaries, and they him, in his pleasures and conveniences, Gratitude will force him to defend his master and promote the advantage of his superior, who has experienced from him kindness and liberality; but uproar and rebellion are the inseparable attendants of imperiousness and oppression. ANGLICUS.

AMERICAN INTERCOURSE WITH THE BRITISH WEST INDIES. Sir.-In corroboration of the statements and arguments contained in many of your former numbers on this important subject; and it being highly essential to insert in publcations like yours, which will always be carefully preserved, from the importance of the subjects discussed in them, I wish you to publish in the next number, the following official account of the trade of the island of Jamaica, wherein. you and your readers will regret to find so large and alarming a proportion of neutral shipping employed, to the manifest injury of the British ship owners; nay, indeed, of the nation. I am induced more particularly to urge this request, from the endeavours now making to extend further the intercourse between America and these islands, by allowing the planters to ship in American-bottoms, sugar and coffee to those states in exchange for other necessaries!!! How such an indulgence can be granted, without entailing ruin on other important interests, I' have not been able to discover; but it is evident, the more government gives way in these respects, both to the planters and to America-the more is required-How wilfully blind must the planter be to his own interest! in requesting these indulgen cies, he is facilitating his own destruction, which can only be prevented by resorting again to the ancient system: for, notwithstanding the plausibility of modern theories, which form recent discussions were thought to have been nearly exploded, it appears from some late publications, they are again attempted to be revived; I am convinced Dr. Smith was perfectly correct in stating, that," as defence was of much more im-" portance than opulence, the act of navigation is the wisest of all the commercial. regulations of England."

It will be seen by the following statement, that the tonnage of British ships employed last year in the trade of Jamaica was only 117,433 tons, whilst the tonnage of American ships was 177,133, and it is probable, that in nearly the same proportion, the trade of the other British West Islands is carried on. It is principally from. these ruinous indulgencies in the colonial trade, that there is so great a depression of the shipping-interest of the country, which is likewise increased by the too general employment of neutral shipping in the Baltic trade; for, during the late administration, nearly all the naval stores imported for the king's service were brought in neutral bottoms. This fact, as to the Baltic trade, does not appear to be generally known; for it might be inferred, from an observation in "Thoughts on the value of Commerce," that the Baltic trade was principally carried on in British bottoms. The impolitic admission of neutrals into the carrying trade of the colonies, throws so many Bri-. tish ships out, that they produce such a competition of British ships in the coal and European trade, that for a long time past the ships employed in them have invariably sustained losses, which can easily be proved by the statements of freights, &c. which have been printed and circulated by the shipping-interest. As to the coasting trade of Great Britain, exclusive of the coal trade, it is very inconsiderable; for, since the introduction of canals, more than two-thirds of it have been lost.

Under all these circumstances, I wish the nation to reflect on the situation it may probably be placed in, on the breaking out of another war. It is difficult now to procure men for the navy, how much more so will it be then, if these fatal indulgencies are continued? I, however, hope, his majesty's present government will see the errors of their predecessors, and endeavour gradually to regain all the advantages we have lost by a foolish weak temporizing (and I might say with propriety) wicked policy. ANTI-AMERICANUS.

Horned

IMPORTS.

To Kingston