down a rough and hoarse-sounding current, which has newly broke out, and which rolls in torrents amid the rocks over which it runs. He must, having felt the smoothness of the old-run channels, clear away the ́sand, and gravel, and hew down the protuberances of the rocks of the new channels, which unpolished, render their waters rough and disagreeable; and must have it in his power to drink from the old fountains, in order to quench that thirst which the waters of the new are unable to remove. To speak plainlv, he must be able to consult the ancient languages for those numerous and most valuable branches of knowledge, which are there only to be found; and, he must, by imitating the style and spirit of the ancient classics, which are the archetypes of all the elegance and taste of modern composition, endeavour to acquire that purity of diction, and taste of fine writing, for which we admire the Greeks and Romans. If this man attempts to make those acquirements by imitating our modern classics only, he places himself in a predicament exactly similar to that of a portrait-painter who copies from an old picture instead of drawing from the life. -Of the various and numerous arguments which might adduce, I shall only give you another, which I consider more cogent, and unanswerable than any which I have stated. For wise ends, it has pleased the Omnipotent Creator to "confound men's language, "that they may not understand one ano"thers speech" but his kind Providence has provided, as he has done similarly in most other cases, a remedy for this "confusion" in the very confusion itself. It is admirably ordered that the more modern are derived from the more ancient languages; and, it is more than probable, that, were we able to follow the etymology, they might all be traced up to the same common origin.Hence, what are called the learned languages, are in a great measure the roots of the modern European tongues. By making ourselves masters of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, we therefore, purchase, or rather acquire gratuitously, the essence [so to express it] of our comparatively modern jargons; or, while we make ourselves adepts in the ancient languages, we, at the same time, become masters in a great measure of all that are derived from them. A person skilled in the ancient languages, when he wishes to learn those spoken now, has only to get a few vocables and idioms, and his work is accomplished. The superiority of boys from only the Latin school, over girls, who are not so educated, in studying French, Italian, or Spanish is universally known. How pre posterous is it, therefore, to neglect the study. of the learned languages, and to bestow those pains in acquiring one of the modern jargons which would at once have introduced us to all the beauties of ancient literature; and have put us in possession of a key to most of the modern languages. How preposterons and fallacious I must also say, till I see your not-to-be-answered arguments, is that proposition that the dead languages are im properly called learned, and as a part of "general education are worse than useless." -To cover the rear of my reasonings, I shall terminate them, and this letter [the length of which I hope you will excuse] with a quotation from the writings of the late very learned and sagacious Mr. Dalzel, the bare authority of whose name might have precluded the necessity of any argument. Speaking of the learned languages, he elegantly observes, " quibus apud nos deficien"tibus cito deficiet omnes doctrina politior, "iisdem vigentibus, omnes etiam artes quæ "ad humanitatem pertinent una vigebunt." -I am, Sir, your respectful and benevolent reader and correspondent,—————J. B.— SCOTO BRITANNUS. P. S. This letter I submit to your candid perusal and disposal. I must most earnestly and respectfully beg that you will excuse any too great freedoms, into which I may have been intruded by the very lively sense which Ihave of the danger which your doctrines on this subject threaten to the safety of Britain, and to the general welfare of modern literature. Mid Lothian, April 5. LEARNED LANGUAGES." SIR,If I have no other merit, I shall have at least that of brevity. I do not mean to enter the lists, but merely to correct the mis-statement of a very smart correspondent in your number of the 28th of March, who subscribes himself Attalus: a correction I grant you of little influence on the result. He states three of the greatest writers of modern Italy, Dante, Petrarch, and Boccace, to have been totally unacquainted with Greek, and so little with Latin, that in its practical influence it amounted to nothing. I learn, however, from the last volume of Gibbon's History, that Boccace was taught Greek by Leontius Pilatus, and attained in it such proficiency as to execute a prose translation of the Iliad and Odyssey. And with respect to their Latin. acquisitions, let works bear witness: all the three wrote much in that language; the two last more than an ordinary reader could master in half a life time. Nay, to the extent of their intimacy with the classics, and the spirit of imitation it engendered, Hume ascribes their want of native simplicity. Even Dante, the least schoJastic of the three, as we learn from Boccace, was most familiar with Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Statius, and the other celebrated poets, and, not satisfied with perusing, endeavoured to imitate them, ("famigliarissimo divenne di Vergilio, di Orazio, di Ovidio, di Stazio e di ciascuno altro poeta famoso, non solamente avendo caro il conoscergli, ma ancora s'ingegno d'imitarli);" was equally familiar with the Roman historians and philosophers; and long hesitated between writing his celebrated poem in Latin or Italian, having actually once begun it in Latin, of which Boceace gives a specimen. (See Vita e Costume di Dante del Boccacio) Attalus asserts that their knowledge of the classics must have been very imperfect, because Livy, Sallust, and part of Cicero were then unrecovered. I confess my information on this subject is very defective; but I shrewdly suspect that of Attalus, notwith-standing his reference to the Abbé de Sade, (which seems to be of a piece with that of my friend Anacharsis to Locke) to be equally if not more defective. For I can place as much reliance on Gibbon as on Attalus, and he tells me," that, in the familiar society of Cicero and Livy, Petrarch had imbibed the ideas of an ancient Patriot;" and speaking of Petrarch's friend Rienzi, he says, "The "study of history and eloquence, the wri"tings of Cicero, Seneca, Livy, Cesar, and Valerius Maximus elevated above "his equals and contemporaries the genius "of the young Plebeian." And, I believe, the Abbé de Sade informs us, that more of Cicero was perused by Petrarch, than has come down to us, consequently by his friend and contemporary Boccace. Both Gibbon and Attalus cite the Abbé de Sade; and there appears to be this small difference between them, that Gibbon actually read this author, and Attalus has heard of him. In no other manner can I account for so many blunders in so few words. If I have paid 18. for the postage of this communication, I am notwithstanding, sensible enough of its unimportance; and it would be cruel to tell me that fools and their money are soon parted. -G. N.-Leith, April 4, 1787. FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPERS. CONTINENTAL WAR.-Thirty-third Bul letin of the Grand French Army. Berlin, Nov. 17, 1806.--The annexed suspension of arms was signed yesterday, at Charlottenburgh. The season is rather ad vanced. This suspension of arms settles the quarters of the army. Part of Prussian Poland is thus occupied by the French army, and part of it is neuter.- His Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, and his Majesty the King of Prussia, in consequence of negociations opened, since the 23d of October last, for the re-establishment of the peace so unhappily interrupted between them, have judged necessary to agree upon a suspension of arms; and, for this purpose, they have appointed for their plenipotentiaries, to wit, his Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, the General of Division, Michel Duroc, Grand Insignia of the Legion of Honour, Knight of the Orders of the Black Eagle and Red Eagle of Prussia, and of Fidelity of Baden, and Grand Marshal of the Imperial Palace: and his Majesty the King of Prussia, the Marquis of Lucchesini, his Minister of State, Chamberlain and Knight of the Orders of the Black Eagle and Red Eagle of Prussia, and General Frederic William de Zastrow, Chief of the Regiment and Inspector General of Infantry and Knight of the Orders of the Red Eagle and of Merit; who, after having exchanged their full powers, have agreed upon the following articles-Art. I. The troops of his Majesty the King of Prussia, who are at present upon the right bank of the Vistula, shall assemble at Koenigsberg and in Royal Prussia from the right bank of the Vistula.--II. The troops of his Majesty the Emperor of the French, King of Italy, shall occupy the part of Southern Prussia which is on the right bank of the Vistula as far as the mouth of Bug, Thorn, the fortress and town of Graudentz, the town and citadel of Dantzic, the towns of Colberg and Lenczyc, which shall be delivered to them for security; and in Silesia, the towns of Glogau and Breslau with the portion of that province which is on the right bank of the Oder, and the part of that situated on the left bank of the same river, which will have for limit a line bordering upon that river, five leagues above Breslau, passing through Ohlau, Tobson, three leagues behind Schweidnitz, and without comprising it, and from thence to Freyburg, Landshut, and joining Bohemia to Lieban.-III. The other parts of Eastern Prussia or New Eastern Prussia, shall not be occupied by any of the armies, either French, Prussian or Rassian, and if the Russian troops are there, his Majesty the King of Prussia engages to make them fall back to their own territory;, as also not to receive any troops of that power into his states, during the time of the suspension of arms.--IV, The fortresses of Hameln and Nienberg, as well as those mentioned in Article II. shall be delivered | Thirty-fifth Bulletin of the Grand French up to the French troops, with their arms VI. Thirty-fourth Bulletin of the Grand French Army. Posen, Nov. 28, 1806.-The Emperor left Berlin at 2 in the afternoon of the 25th, and arrived at Custrin on the same evening about six. On the 26th, he was at Mezeritz; and on the 27th, at 10 at night, he arrived at Posen. The next day his Majesty gave audience to the various states of the Poles-Marshal Duroc continued his jour ney to Osterode, where he found the King of Prussia, who declared to him, that a part of his states were in the possession of the Russians; that he was dependent uponthem; consequently he could not ratify the armistice which had been concluded by his envoy, because it was not in his power to fulfil the stipulated conditions.'--The Grand Duke of Berg, with a part of the cavalry of the reserve, and the corps under Marshals Davoust, Lasnes, and Augereau, have entered Warsaw. The Russian General Benningsen, who occupied the place before the French arrived, evacuated it on hearing of the approach of the French, and that they intended to give him battle.-Prince Jerome, with a corps of Bavarians, is at Kalitsch. All the rest of the army had arrived at Posen.— The surrender of Hameln was marked by some particular circumstances.-Besides the garrison, it seems that after the battle of the 14th, some Prussian battalions had taken refuge there. Disorder reigned among this numerous garrison. The officers were exasperated against the generals, and the soldiers against the officers. Scarcely was the capi tulation signed, when General Savary received a letter from the Commandant, Gene Berlin, Nov. 23.-We have as yet no advices that the armistice concluded on the 17th inst. has been ratified by the King of Prussia, or that any exchange of the ratification has yet taken place. Mean time hostilities continue, nor will any suspension of them take place until the exchange of the ratification.-General Savary, to whom the Emperor had entrusted the siege of Hameln, had, on the 20th instant, a conference with the Prussian generals belonging to the garri. son, and has made them sign a capitulation.ral Van Scholer, which he very properly anNine thousand prisoners, amongst whom are six generals, inagazines for 10,000 men, with six months provisions, and all kinds of military stores, a company of flying artillery, and 300 cavalry, have fallen into our hands. --The only troops which General Savary had, consisted of a regiment of light infantrv, and two Dutch regiments under General Dumonceau.-General Savary has this instant set off for Nienburg, in order to force that place to a capitulation. Its garrison is calculated at between 2 and 3000 men. battalion of Prussians, 800 strong, who formed the garrison of Caentoschow, on the frontiers of Polish Prussia, capitulated, on the 18th, to 150 chasseurs of the 2d regiment, united with 300 Poles, who had taken up arms and advanced to that place. This garrison are prisoners of war, and the place contains large magazines. A swered. In the mean while the garrison was in a state of insurrection, and the first act of the mutineers was to break open the magazines where the brandy was deposited, and with which they were soon intoxicated. In consequence of this situation, the soon began to fire upon each other in the streets -soldiers, citizens, and officers, pell-mell, altogether. Disorder was at its height. General Van Scholer sent courier after courier to General Savary, to request him to take possession of the place, even before the appointed time. To this the general consented; advanced, and entered the place through a shower of bullets. He drove all the soldiers of the garrison through one of the gates into a neighbouring meadow, where he assembled the officers, and gave them to understand that this behaviour was owing to their relaxed discipline. Trinted by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bashaw, Brydges Street, Covent Garden, whereformer Numbers may be had sold al ● by ¿. Budi, Crown and Mitre, Pall Mall. VOL. XI. No. 16.] LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 18, 1807. [PRICE 10D. "I know it may be said, that I and those with whom I have the honour to act, are no more actuated than "those on the other side of the House by motives of a pure disinterested nature, though my conscience "acquits me of the crime."Speech of MR. GREY (Low Lord Howick) on moving for a reform of parliament, on the 26th of May, 1797. 577] TO THE FREE AND INDEPENDENT ELECTORS OF THE CITY AND LIBERTIES OF WESTMINSTER. LETTER XIII. GENTLEMEN, Much as I fear, that these letters of mine must prove wearisome to you, I must beg you to indulge me with your attention, until I have submitted to you all the observations which occur to me, relative to the unconstitutional doctrines, of which the recent change of the king's ministers has caused the open avowal and promulgation. And, Gentlemen, I trust, that I shall not be thought to have led you much astray from the subject wherewith we started; for, now, as when I first had the honour to address you, the state of the representation of the people in parliament, and your interests and duties, as therewith connected, it is my wish to describe and exemplify. In my last letter I deferred giving you my opinion respecting the remedy necessary to be applied, in order to remove the political evils, which we all see and feel. To speak of that remedy, which is at once constitutional, efficacious, and of easy application, I now propose, after having taken a view of what passed in the House of Commons, on Thursday, the 9th instant, when a discussion took place respecting the pledge, which, as the late ministers assert, they were called upon to give to the king, as the sole condition, upon which he would suffer them to retain their places. This discussion arose from, the following motion made by MR. BRAND: "That it is "contrary to the first duties of the Confi"dential Servants of the Crown to restrain "themselves by any pledge, expressed or " implied, from offering to the King any advice which the course of circumstances "may render necessary for the welfare and security of any part of his Majesty's extensive empire. This motion was dis cussed for a great many hours, thesis of which, as it appears from the report newspapers, a division took a shen there were for the motion 220 araitist it 258; and, of course, the new mist, at the head of whom is the Duke of Portland, had a majority of 32; though, as you must have observed, Gentlemen, that, while these ministers were out of office, they were unable to obtain, at their utmost need, more than about 60 votes! What! what in all the world could have produced this sudden change! what could have induced so many members, who constantly voted with the late ministers, now to vote with their successors? Mr. Perry has positively asserted, that the present parliament was chosen as fairly, and with as much freedom on the part of the people as have ever prevailed at the choosing of any parliament, sinee parliaments were known in England! He has, Gentlemen, positively asserted this; and, the conclusion, according to him, must be, that the majority aforesaid arose purely from the impulse of conscience in the honourable gentlemen composing it, who, of course, were convinced that Mr. Brand's motion ought not to pass, and, that the late ministers, whom they had so long given their support to, were, at last, in the wrong.. The result before-mentioned must, too, have convinced Mr. Perry, that he was much mistaken, when he called the new ministers" adventurers for place, without "talents, and without interest in the country, men of notorious imbecility and fla 66 grant subservieticy;" for, if this description had been true, would they have obtained, in the very first division, a majority over men of such great talents, and that, too, you will please to observe, in a parliament chosen so very fairly and freely, as not to yield, in this respect, to any parliament ever before chosen in England? Time is a great teacher, and, if he has not yet sufficiently instructed Mr. Perry, that gentleman will, I hope, now have the candour to thank me publickly, for the consolation, which I endeavoured to give him, for the balm which I strove to pour into his wounded soul, through my Register | of the 4th instant. I found him alarmed at the prospect of a dissolution of the parliament; I found his imagination disturbed by the dread of a ferment in Ireland, where he appeared to foresee, that the people would rise in a mass in favour of the late ministers; I found him shocked at the idea of " a corrupt traffic "in boroughs," which, as he asserted, would be resorted to, I found him seized with horror, at the prospect of new agitations in Middlesex and Westminster; 1 found his loyal heart sinking within him at the thought of that jubilee of licentious debate," to which a dissolution might give rise amongst us Jacobins and Levellers. To assuage these torments of his anxious and purely patriotic mind, I used my utmost exertions to convince him, that, for the purpose alluded to, namely, the gaining of a majority over to the new ministers, a dissolution would not be necessary, I reminded him (and I was ashamed to think it necessary to remind him) that reason and reflection were the characteristics of man, as contrasted with the brute creation that these faculties, which were possessed, in a greater or less degree, by all men hot shut up in a mad-house, were, doubtless, possessed by the members of parliament, who, I besought him to remember, were neither stocks nor stones. I pointed out to him the almost irresistible powers of eloquence, especially of a certain sort, enployed upon politicians of a certain stamp; and, my conclusion was, that the opportunities for private interviews, for the sweet converse of souls, which would be afforded by a prorogation, particularly during the summer months, when our law-givers would, of course, retire to commune with wisdom and conscience in solitude; my conclusion was, that such opportunities might lead to the producing, in the minds of the members, or, at least, of many of them, a way of thinking, which would induce them to vote for the new ministers, especially as these latter were engaged in protecting the royal conscience from violation, a point upon which we well know, that the members of the House of Commons are nice in the extreme. The event of the debate, of which I am now about to attempt an analysis, has proved, that I was perfectly right; or, that, if I erred at all, it was in supposing that a prorogition was necessary for the purpose in view; or, in the short space of ten days, without scarcely any opportunities for the soft powers of persuasion to operate; without any time for retnement or cogitation; without any other aid than that of their intuitive wisdom and ategrity, their perspicacity and decision of character, they, as it were from sudden inspiration, at once gave their votes on the side of the new ministers. But, Gentlemen, in place of thanking me for having, and, as it now appears, with such correctness of reasoning, endeavoured to quiet his fears of the effects of a dissolution; in place of thanking me, Mr. Perry has, in his oblique way, most outrageously abused me. Nay, which must, I think, surprize you greatly, he has, in all possible ways, expressed his disappointment, his mortification, and his rage, that the new ministers have obtained a majority without a dissolution, rather than which, as it now appears, he would have seen the dreaded ferment in Ireland," and even the much more dreaded" jubilee suspension of authority" over us Jacobins and Levellers in Middlesex and Westminster. Leaving Mr. Perry, for the present, we will now proceed to the debate. MR. BRAND, in prefacing his motion, is reported to have said: "When he per"ceived that pledges had been demanded "from the late ministers which were dan"gerous to the constitution, inimical to the "interests of the country, and subversive of... "the prerogatives of the crown, he felt him"self bound to confine his motion to that point. The advice to his majesty, to de"mand from his ministers a written pledge "that they would abstain from giving him advice upon subjects of importance to the security of the empire, must have origi "nated with persons who had no regard to "the rights of that house, nor the preroga"tives of the crown. His majesty had full "discretion to dismiss his councillors, and to "choose others in their place, but he could "limit the range of advice which they might give him, and for which they were to be responsible according to the consti"tution. Where were they to look for "responsibility for misrule, misconduct, or "misinanagement of the public affairs, if "such a pledge were to be given? Where was blame to attach for grievances, upon "which ministers might have given a pledge, not to give any advice to his ma jesty Ministers might be men of great "character and exalted name, but after "giving such a pledge, they would not "dare to advise their sovereign on such "subjects. It would not be becoming in "him to delineate the outline of the con"stitutional principles upon this point. If "they were doubtful, it might be proper for him to endeavour to ascertain them; "but these principles were admitted, recog "nized, and supported by the constitutional "law of the land. The oath of a privy |