standing a firm agreement was made between the English and the said Narragansets in the Year 1637, when they had helped to destroy the Pequods, and also notwithstanding the tripple league between the said Narragansets, the Mohegins, and the English at Hartford (the chief town of Connecticut) made in the year 1638, wherein the said Indians were solemnly engaged not to quarrel with the Mohegins or any other Indians, until they had first asked the advice of the English, to whose determination, they had likewise obliged themselves to stand in all following differences among them. They carried it subtilly and underhand for some years, and were pretending quarrels with the said Uncas, against whom they always had an inveterate malice, ever since the agreement made about distributing the Pequods, after the war with them was ended, expecting in all probability that all should have been left to their sole arbitrament. The Mohegins on the other side, though not so numerous, yet a more warlike people and more politic, always made their recourse to the English, complaining of the insolence of the Narragansets, contrary to their league, so as they would hardly be kept from making open war against them, when they saw all other attempts to kill and destroy Uncas the Mohegin Sachem, by treachery, poison and sorcery prove ineffectual. Inasmuch that at last the malice of Miantonimo and his Narragansets grew to that height, that they began to plot against the English themselves, for defending Uncas.

The Narragansets were animated by the haughty spirit and aspiring mind of M antonimo, the heir appa

This

rent of all the Narraganset people, after the decease of the old Sachem, Canonicus, who was his uncle. Miantonimo was a very goodly personage, of tall stature, subtle and cunning in his contrivements, as well as haughty in his designs. It was strongly suspected that in the year 1642, he had contrived to draw all the Indians throughout the country into a general conspiracy against the English: For, the first of September, 1642, letters came to the Court of Connecticut, and from two of the Magistrates there, that the Indians had conspired to cut off the English all over the country: Mr. Ludlow certified as much from the place where he lived near the Dutch. The time appointed for the assault, was said to be after harvest; the manner to be by several companies, entering into the chief men's houses, by way of trade, and then to kill them in their houses, and seize their arms, and others should be at hand to prosecute the massacre: This was also confirmed by three Indians that were said to reveal it in the same manner, and at the same time, to Mr. Ludlow and to the Governor of New-Haven. It was added also that another Indian should discover the same plot to Mr. Haines of Connecticut by some special circumstances, viz. that being much hurt by a cart (which usually there are drawn with oxen) he should send for Mr. Haines and tell him, that Englishman's God was angry with him, and sent Englishman's cow (meaning the oxen in the cart, or wayne) to kill him because he had concealed a plot against the English, and so told him all as the other Indians had done.

Upon this, their advice from Connecticut was, that we should begin with them and enter upon a war presently, and that if Massachusetts would send 120 men to Saybrook, at the river's mouth, they would meet them wi:h a proportionable number. This was a very probable story, and very likely it was, that the Indians had been discoursing of some such business among themselves. But the General Court of Massachusetts when called together, did not think those informations to be a sufficient ground whereon to begin a war. Although the governor and Magistrates as many as could convene together before the Court, ordered that all the Indians within their jurisdiction should be disarmed, which they willingly yielded unto: And upon all the enquiries and examinations which were made by the Court when assembled together, they could not find any such violent presumption of a conspiracy, as to be the ground of a war. Besides, it was considered, that the reports of all Indians were found by experience to be very uncertain, especially when it may be raised and carried by such as are at variance one with another; who may be very ready to accuse one another to ingratiate themselves with the English. Miantonimo, Sachem of Narraganset, was sent unto, and by his readiness to appear, satisfied the English that he was innocent as to any present conspiracy; though his quarrel with the Mohegins (who bordered upon Connecticut colony) might very probably, as was judged, render him the subject of such a report, or an occasion of it.

The said Miantonimo when he came before the

Court peremptorily demanded that his accusers might be brought before him face to face, and if they could not prove it, then to be made to suffer, what himself, if he had been found guilty, had deserved, i. e. death, his reasons for which were very plausible. He urged very much the prosecuting such a law against his accusers; alleging, that if the English did not believe it, why did they disarm the Indians round about: And if they did believe it, equity required, that they who accused him should be punished according to the offence charged upon himself. He offered also to make it good against Uncas, Sachem of the Mobegins, that the report was raised either by him or some of his people. The English answered, that divers Indians had robbed some of the Englishmen's houses, which might be a sufficient ground to disarm; and with that he was something satisfied. The Connecticut men were hardly prevailed with to forbear the war against them, but at last they were overcome with the allegations of the Massachusetts to lay it aside.

Miantonimo when he was at Boston was very deliberate in his answers, shewing a good understanding in the principles of justice and equity, as well as a seeming ingenuity withal: But though his words were smoother than oil, yet, as many conceived, in his heart were drawn swords. It was observed also, that he would never speak but when some of his Counsellors were present, that they might, as he said, bear witness of all his speeches at their return home.

They spent two days in the treaty, wherein at last

he gave them satisfaction in all things, though he held off long about the Nianticks, of whom he said they were as his own flesh, engaging on their behalf, that if they should do any wrong, so as neither he nor they could satisfy without blood, then he would leave them to the mercy of the English. At his departure he gave his hand to the Governor, telling him, that was for the Magistrates that were absent.

While he was at Boston one of his own followers had been a principal evidence against him; he however promised to deliver him to the Mohegin Sachem whose subject he was; notwithstanding which promise, going homeward he cut off his head to prevent his telling more tales. And, with great discontent, as he was going home said, he would come no more to Boston, wherein he proved a truer prophet than he himself believed when he uttered the words, for in the end of the same year, 1643, making war upon Uncas, he was taken prisoner by him, and soon after by the advice of the Commissioners of the four colonies (at that time firmly united into a league offensive and defensive, on which account they were after that time called the united colonies of New-England; though since that time they are reduced to but three colonies; that of New-Haven and Connecticut by the last patent being united in one) his head was cut off by Uncas, it being justly feared, that there would never be a firm peace, either betwixt the English and the Narragansets, or betwixt the Narragansets and the Mohegins, while Miantonimo was left alive': However, the Narragansets have ever since that time