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report; and that more assistance might thus have been rendered to the House and the country, in arriving at a final judgment on the subject. The lucid conciseness of the report, so far as it extends, and the general soundness of the few principles which it deduces from the inquiry, tempt us to wish that it had been less brief. We could desire that it had compressed into itself more of the essence of those opinions, every way deserving of attention, which the reader is now left laboriously to glean from prolix minutes of examinations and various papers in the appendix. To the general tenor of the report, also, we have two more material objections to offer. There appears, throughout it, a disposition to form a more sanguine estimate of the extent of immediate relief to an exuberant population than, as we conceive, could result from any practicable degree of emigration. And, farther, an expectation is held out of the eventual repayment by the pauper emigrants themselves of the expenses to be incurred in their transport and settlement, which, we fear, it would be impossible to realize. We are apprehensive that the more cautious and sober opinion, expressed by Mr. Peel in the House, in reference to these points, must be acknowledged to be better founded. The right honourable secretary confessed that, "when he looked at the expense inseparable from any enlarged system of emigration, he was not one of those who entertained very sanguine expectations that emigration could be brought presently to relieve the evils arising from a superabundant population; though no doubt it would benefit this country, by affording some outlet to our excessive population, and furnishing a more adequate demand for labour."

We agree with the committee, in considering that the following important facts have been established by the evidence.

'First:-That there are extensive districts in Ireland, and districts in England and Scotland, where the population is at the present moment redundant; in other words, where there exists a very considerable proportion of able-bodied and active labourers, beyond that number to which any existing demand for labour can afford employment :—that the effect of this redundancy is not only to reduce a part of this population to a great degree of destitution and misery, but also to deteriorate the general condi tion of the labouring classes:-that by its producing a supply of labour in excess as compared with the demand, the wages of labour are necessarily reduced to a minimum, which is utterly insufficient to supply that population with those means of support and subsistence which are necessary secure a healthy and satisfactory condition of the community :-that in England, this redundant population has been in part supported by a parochial rate, which, according to the reports and evidence of former committees specially appointed to consider the subject, threatens in its extreme tendency to absorb the whole rental of the country; and that in Ireland, where no such parochial rate exists by law, and where the redundancy is found in a still greater degree, a considerable part of the population is dependent for the means of support on the precarious source of charity, or is

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compelled to resort to habits of plunder and spoliation for the actual means of subsistence.

Secondly:-that in the British colonies in North America, (including the Canadas, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward's island), at the Cape of Good Hope, and in New South Wales, and Van Diemen's Land, there are tracts of unappropriated land of the most fertile quality, capable of receiving and subsisting any proportion of the redundant population of this country, for whose conveyance thither, means could be found at any time, present or future.

Thirdly:-that while the English, Scotch and Irish evidence taken before your committee appears to establish the fact, that this redundant population is practically found to repress the industry, and even sometimes to endanger the peace of the mother country; the colonial evidence which has been taken by your committee uniformly concurs in the opinion, that the industry and the safety of the colonies will be materially encouraged and preserved by the reception of this population. The unemployed labourer at home necessarily consumes more than he produces, and the national wealth is diminished in that proportion. When transferred to new countries, where soil of the first quality of fertility is unappropriated, and where the rate of wages is consequently high, it will be found that he produces infinitely more than he consumes, and the national wealth will be increased by the change, if the colonies are to be considered as integral parts of the nation at large.'-pp. 3, 4.

After stating these positions, the report stops short with a general recommendation of the subject of emigration to the most serious attention of the House. But the committee declare that in 'prosecuting their examination of this most important and comparatively unexamined subject, they have not had either the time or the opportunity to perfect that scope of inquiry which would justify them in offering to the House any specific recommendation with respect to the manner in which it might be convenient to make any experiment of emigration on an extended scale;' and they therefore limit themselves to a rapid exposition of the principles, which have directed them in their inquiry by evidence.

This circumstance it is that we regret, as a needless and gratuitous defect in the report. We do not admit, that the committee have reached all the conclusions which the results of their own inquiries would have justified: we think they have had all the information before them which it can be possible to collect on the subject, short of the practical results of some years' experiments on the great scale. It appears to us that it is hopeless to look for better elements of judgment, for surer information, or a greater mass of valuable opinions, than may already be found in the voluminous evidence appended to this report. The committee have had before them the labours of former sessions on the condition of Ireland, on the employment of the poor there, and on the state of pauperism generally in the United Kingdom :-questions all bearing closely upon the subject matter of the present inquiry. They have had the benefit of collecting the various intelligence of resi

dent landed proprietors in England, Scotland, and Ireland, respectively, on the practicability and probable benefits of emigration; and the mass of colonial evidence which they have accumulated, is very great. They have had the opinions of the practical agriculturists and merchants of the colonies, and of members of the colonial administration and legislature:-of gentlemen, many of whom are, to our personal and certain knowledge, the very best qualified, by their talents and local information, of any individuals that could possibly have been chosen, to guide the judgment, and assist the conclusions of parliament. And, lastly, the committee have enjoyed all the experience which could be gained from any limited trials of emigration, in the successful results of those attempted in 1823 and 1825.

Looking to these considerations, we do not see with what hope or presumptive advantage the committee should have deferred to offer some specific suggestions, merely to await greater scope of inquiry. The facts which the committee have already, with reason, considered as proved, would seem of themselves unavoidably to lead to definite conclusions. In the first place, the prospect of affording at least a partial and prospective relief to the mother country by emigration being so feasible, it follows as a matter of course, that the effort to realize it should at once be made, on the most extended scale that is practicable. In the next place it is evident, that the extent of this scale is subject to restriction only by the amount of expense to be incurred in the operation. That the distressed pauper population of the United Kingdom in general, will most cheerfully and voluntarily embrace the means of removal to an improved condition, it would be absurd to doubt; and it is, in fact, upon record, that the lower orders of Irish, in particular, have already been importunate and clamorous in their petitions, that these facilities for emigrating may be granted to them.

The consideration of expense is, then, the sole possible objection to the carrying of emigration into effect upon any imaginable scale that might otherwise be adviseable. We may sweep away all the extraneous matter, which seems only to encumber and conceal the real principle of the inquiry; and we shall find that the question, when bared of all circumlocution, is merely one of pounds, shillings, and pence. And here the judicious measures of government have fortunately supplied us with the accurate and practical evidence of experiment. We copy from the report the clear and concise summary of the result of the emigration, conducted wholly at the public expense, in 1823.

The number of emigrants sent out in 1823 was, 182 men, 143 women, 57 boys between fourteen and eighteen, and 186 children under fourteen, forming together an aggregate of 568. The expense actually incurred for this emigration amounted, as will be seen in the Appendix, to 12,5931. 3s., which was at the rate of 227. 1s. 6d. per head; the estimate on which the vote was taken was at the rate of 801. per family, taking the

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proportion of a man, a woman, and two children for each family. estimate had been calculated with reference to the following details: a man 351., a woman 251., two children 147. each, forming a total of 887. from which a deduction had been made of a little more than 9 per cent, on the supposition that a combined emigration would be found to be less expensive than an individual case; but the total absense of all previous preparations, and a high rate of passage, carried the actual expense beyond the estimate. It will, however, be observed, with respect to the emigrants actually sent out, that the men were beyond the proportion estimated; if that proportion had been preserved, the numbers would have been 142 men, 142 women, and 284 children, consequently the actual expense would have been 12,4967. instead of 12,3477., and in that case the positive excess over the estimate would have amounted to 1,1367. Various reasons have induced your committee to make their calculations at the rate of 201. per head; in making their calculations at that rate, which has peculiar relation to the colony of Upper Canada, your committee beg it may be distinctly understood, that they are by no means prepared to express an opinion that an emigration might not be carried on to Upper Canada at a still less rate of expense; for by taking the proportion in each family at three children, which your committee have reason to believe would be found to be a more accurate proportion than two children to each family, the expense would necessarily be reduced in proportion. But your committee are also of opinion that previous arrangements, contracts upon an extended scale, especially if made for a series of years, and order and method introduced into the whole of the system, would enable a less sum to effect that which has been actually effected in the case of the emigration of 1823, where no facilities existed, except in the assistance of the local government of Upper Canada, and in the zeal and exertions of the superintendent, Mr. Peter Robinson.'—p. 6.

This sum of 201. per head, or even of 807. for each family, of man, wife, and three children, may therefore safely be taken for the maximum. But we think the whole tenor of the evidence received by the committee, would have borne them out in offering decidedly a specific estimate of much lower rate; especially as far as related to emigration from Ireland, and to the British provinces nearer the ocean than Upper Canada, as Lower Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and the islands in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. This would appear clearly from the examination of Mr. Uniacke, attorney-general for Nova Scotia, and Mr. Buchanan, a merchant of Lower Canada. Every syllable of the evidence of these two intelligent gentlemen, is pregnant with information and interest. It has relation chiefly to the spontaneous and unassisted emigration of the Irish poor, which has been partially in progress years. Mr. Uniacke, who had settled many of these emigrants in Nova Scotia, was of opinion that the cost of the whole business was one third less in the case of that province than in that of Upper Canada. He stated, that before the existing enactments were passed, which regulate the conveyance of passengers to continental America, the expenses of the voyage, including provisions, never exceeded 37. 10s. or 47. a head; until the operation of those

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rules, which oblige every vessel to carry a surgeon, and to be victualled with certain descriptions of provisions, raised the charges to about 101. The Scotch and Irish poor would provide themselves for their voyage with a bag of oatmeal or potatoes, and a few herrings, which they prefer to pork; but give them pork and flour (which the ship is now compelled to lay in for them), and they know not how to use these articles, which are completely lost upon them.

'The Irish emigrant,' says Mr. Uniacke, before he comes out, knows not what it is to lie in a bed; he has not been accustomed to pork in Ireland, and he has not been accustomed to a bed; if you put him in a bed, and give him pork and flour, you make the man sick; but when a man comes out to Newfoundland, he gets no more than his breadth and length upon the deck of the ship, and he has no provisions but a few herrings, and he comes out a hearty man, he has no doctor. Our direct emigration from Ireland has been impeded by the operation of those Acts; in fact, all our population comes by the way of Newfoundland. A poor man can come to Newfoundland for forty shillings (the Passengers' Act was not made applicable to that island), and he can come to Nova Scotia for twenty shillings more, but then he is obliged to make two voyages.'

Mr. Buchanan, who had been in the practice of transporting numbers of Irish emigrants in his own vessels to Lower Canada, states even more strongly that, from habit, the cheaper food, with which the poor emigrants provide themselves, agrees much better with their health than the usual ship's provisions, if you give Irish peasants beef and biscuit and salt pork and coffee, they will be all over scurvy before they get to North America.'

But, in short, both Mr. Uniacke and Mr. Buchanan depose strongly against the Passengers' Act, which, though framed, doubtless, with the most benevolent intentions, is a signal instance of the mischiefs arising from the modern rage for over-legislation. They agree in considering that where the law is not evaded, which it often is, it operates most perniciously in checking free emigration from Ireland and Scotland, by trebling the rates of passage. At least a partial repeal of the Act appears indispensable. It is evident that a great diminution of expense might be effected by supplying the Irish emigrants, or giving them the means of supplying themselves, with food more congenial to the previous habits of their whole lives.

Assuming, however, 201. a head, altogether, for a general calculation, as the very maximum of total expense in the transport and location of the emigrant, there can be no danger of proceeding upon an inadequate estimate. The annual outlay of a million of money would thus certainly remove at least fifty thousand souls every year from the mother-country, with the tolerable certainty of a progressive increase upon that amount of emigration, both by such aid and inducement as successful settlers might afford to their relatives to follow them, without burthening the public,

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