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the forerunner of the actor, but he was himself an actor (umokpitus ?). If, therefore, the difference between the lyric Tragedy of the Dorians and the regular Tragedy of the Athenians consisted in this, that the one had actors (úrokpital) and the other had none, we must look for the origin of the complete and perfect Attic Drama in the union of the rhapsodes with the Bacchic chorus.
There can be little doubt that the worship of Bacchus was introduced into Attica at a very early period'; indeed it was probably the religion of the oldest inhabitants, who, on the invasion of the country by the Ionians, were reduced, like the native Laconians, to the inferior situation of nepíolkol, and cultivated the soil for their conquerors. Like all other Pelasgians they were naturally inclined to a country life, and this perhaps may account for the elementary nature of their religion, which with its votaries was thrown aside and despised by the ruling caste. In the quadripartite division of the people of Attica the old inhabitants formed the tribe of the Ægicores or goatherds, who worshipped Dionysus with the sacrifice of goats. But though they were at first kept in a state of inferiority and subjection, they eventually rose to an equality with the other inhabitants of the country. There are very many Attic legends which point to the original contempt for the goatherd's religion, and its subsequent adoption by the other tribes. This is indicated by the freedom of slaves at the Dionysian festivals, by the reference of the origin of the religion to the town Eleutheræ, by the marriage of the King Archon's wife to Bac
Soph. Antig. 666 :
Τούδε [άρχοντος] χρή κλύειν
Και σμικρά και δίκαια και τάνάντια (i. e. reyala kai áðıka), from Solon's well-known line :
'Αρχών άκουε και δίκαια κάδικα, as it ought to be rend. 2 When Aristotle says, (Rhet. iii. 1,) Eis Tiv Tpayırijv vai pavyoiav olè παρήλθεν (ή υπόκρισις), υπεκρίνοντο γαρ αυτοί τάς τραγωδίας οι ποιηται το πρώτον, he evidently means by the word υπόκρισις the assumption of tlie poet's person by another ; which we conceive to have been the original, as it is the derived, meaning of the word. Compare vrópxmua, &c. We think it more than probable that the names of the actors, nowtaywvíotns, &c. were derived from the names of the rhapsodes who recited in succession (Eurolitews) in the paypsūv áywvas: See Pseudoplat. Hipparch. p. 228, and the other passages quoted by Welcker, Ep. Cycl. p. 371, fol.
3 On the early worship of Bacchus in Attica see Welcker's Nachtrag, p. 194, fol. and Phil. Mus. ii. p. 299–307.
chus *; and we may perhaps discover traces of a difference of castes in the story of Orestes at the Anthesteria. It was natural, therefore, that the Ægicores, when they had obtained their freedom from political disabilities, should ascribe their deliverance to their tutelary god, whom they therefore called 'EAɛúlepos : and in later times, when all the inhabitants of Attica were on a footing of equality, the god Bacchus was still looked upon as the favourer of the commonalty, and as the patron of democracy.
As we have before remarked, it was not till the Athenians had recognized the supremacy of the Delphian oracle, that the Dorian choral worship was introduced into Attica, and it was then applied to the old Dionysian religion of the country with the sanction of the oracle, as appears from the oracle which we have quoted above, and from the legend in Pausanias, that the Delphian oracle assisted Pegasus in transferring the worship of Bacchus from Eleutheræ to Athens '. Consequently the cyclic chorus would not be long in finding its way into a country so predisposed for its reception as Attica certainly was; and there is every reason to believe that the Dorian lyric Drama, perhaps with certain modifications, accompanied its parent °.
The recitations by rhapsodes were a peculiarly Ionian entertainment, and therefore, no doubt, were common in Attica from the very earliest times. At Brauron, in particular, we are told that the Iliad was chanted by rhapsodes?. Now the Brauronia was a festival of Bacchus, and a particularly boisterous one, if we may believe Aristophanes. To this festival we refer the passage of Clearchus, quoted by Athenæus', in which it is stated
και αύτη ή γυνή υμίν έθυε τα άρρητα ιερά υπέρ της πόλεως, και είδεν & ου προσήκεν αυτήν όρων ξένην ούσαν, και τοιαύτη ούσα εισήλθεν οι ουδείς άλλος 'Αθηναίων τοσούτων όντων εισέρχεται αλλ' ή του βασιλέως γυνή, εξώρκωσέ τε τας γεραιράς τας υπηρετούσας τοις ιεροίς, εξεδόθη δε τώ Διονύση γυνή, έπραξε δε υπέρ της πόλεως τα πάτρια τα προς τους θεούς, πολλά και άγια και ázóponta, Pseud. Demosth. in Neær. p. 1369–70. Above p. 9.
5 i. 2, 5. συνελάβετο δε οί και το εν Δελφοίς μαντείον.
6 It seems that the oscilla on the trees referred to the hanging of Erigone, which probably formed the subject of a standing drama with mimic dances like the Sicyonian Tragedies, with which the dramas of Epigenes were connected. Welck. Nachtr. p. 224.
1 Ηesych. Βραυρωνίοις. την Ιλιάδα ήδον ραψωδοί εν Βραυρώνι της Αττικής. και Βραυρωνία εορτή 'Αρτέμιδι Βραυρωνία άγεται και θύεται αύξ. Does this mention of the sacrifice of a goat point to the rites of the Ægicores ?
& Pax, 874, and Schol.
3 At the beginning of the Seventh Book, p. 275, Β: Φαγήσια, οι δε Φαγησιοπόσια προσαγορεύουσι την εορτήν. εξέλιπε δε αύτη, καθάπερ ή των ραψωδών, ήν ήγον
that the rhapsodes came forward in succession, and recited in honour of Bacchus. By a combination of these particulars, we can at once establish a connexion between the worship of Bacchus and the rhapsodic recitations. Before, however, we consider the important inferences which may be derived from these facts, we must enter a little into the state of affairs in Attica at the time when the Thespian Tragedy arose.
The early political dissensions at Athens were, like those between the populus and the plebs in the olden times of Roman history, the consequences of an attempt on the part of the inferior orders in an aristocracy of conquest' to shake off their civil disabilities, and to put themselves upon an equality with their more favoured fellow-citizens. Solon had in part effected this by taking from the Eupatrids some of their exclusive privileges, and establishing a timocracy in the place of the aristocracy. At this time, Athens was divided into three parties; the ledalo, or the landed aristocracy of the interior; the Ilápaloi, the people dwelling on the coast on both sides of Cape Sunium; and the Διάκριοι or Υπεράκριοι, the highlanders who inhabited the northeastern district of Attica?. The first party were for an oligarchy, the last for a democracy, and the second for a mixture of the two forms of government'. The head of the democratical faction was Pisistratus, the son of Hippocrates, of the family of the Codrids, and related to Solon : he was born at Philaidæ, near Brauron, and therefore was by birth a Diacrian. Having obtained by an artifice the sovran power at Athens, he was expelled by a coalition of the other two factions. After a short time, however, Megacles, the leader of the Paralians, being harassed (Trepiedavvóuevos) by the aristocratic faction, recalled Pisistratus
κατά την τών Διονυσίων έν ή παρόντες έκαστοι τω θεώ οίον τιμήν απετέλουν την ραψωδίαν. Welcker reads εκάστω των θεών, and takes quite a different view of this passage, except so far as he agrees with us in referring it to the Brauronia. (Ep. Cycl. p. 391.)
1 See Arnold's Thucydides, vol. i. p. 620. We think the fact that one of the classes in Attica was called the “ Hopletes,” points to a conquest of Attica in remote times by the Ionians.
2 Herod. i. 59: στασιαζόντων των παράλων και των εκ του πεδίου Αθηναίων ... των υπερακρίων προστάς.
3 Plutarch. Sol. xiii. p. 85. ήν γάρ το μέν των Διακρίων γένος δημοκρατικώτερον, ολιγαρχικώτατον δε το των Πεδιέων, τρίτοι δε οι Πάραλοι μέσον τινά kai pepiyusvov aipovlevou hodireias opórov. "Comp. Arnold's note on Thucyd. ii. 59.
4 Herod. i. 60.
and gave him his daughter in marriage. The manner of his return is of the greatest importance in reference to our present object. “There was a woman," says Herodotus,“ of the Pæanian Deme, whose name was Phya : she was nearly four cubits in stature, and was in other respects comely to look upon. Having equipped this woman in a complete suit of armour, they placed her in a chariot, and having taught her beforehand how to act her part in the most dignited manner possible, (και προδέξαντες σχήμα οίόν τι έμελλε ευπρεπέστατον φαίνεσθαι έχουσα 8,) they drove to the city.” He adds, that they sent heralds before her, , who, when they got to Athens, told the people to receive with good-will Pisistratus, whom Athena herself honoured above all men, and was bringing back from exile to her own Acropolis. Now we must recollect who were the parties to this proceeding. In the first place, we have Megacles, an Alemæonid, and therefore connected with the worship of Bacchus"; moreover, he was the father of the Alcmæon, whose son Megacles married Agariste, the daughter of Cleisthenes of Sicyon, and had by her Cleisthenes, the Athenian demagogue, who is said to have imitated his maternal grandfather in some of the reforms which he introduced into the Athenian constitution'. One of the points, which Herodotus mentions in immediate connexion with Clcisthenes'imitation of his grandfather, is the abolition of the Homeric rhapsodes at Sicyon, and his restitution of the Tragic Choruses to Bacchus. May we not also conclude that Megacles the elder was not indifferent to the policy of a ruler who was so nearly connected with him by marriage? The other party was Pisistratus, who was, as we have said, born near Brauron, where rhapsodic recitations were connected with the worship of Bacchus; the strong-hold of his party was the Tetrapolis, which contained the town of Enoë", to which, and not to the Baotian town of the same name, we refer the traditions with regard to the introduction of the worship of Bacchus into Attica': his party doubtless included the Ægicores, (who have indeed been considered as identical with the Diacrians ',) and these we have seen were the original possessors of the worship of Bacchus: finally, there was a mask of Bacchus at Athens, which was said to be a portrait of Pisistratus '; so that upon the whole there can be little doubt of the interest which he took in the establishment of the rites of the Ægicores as a part of the state religion. With regard to the actress, Phya, we need only remark that she was a garlandseller, and therefore, as this trade was a very public one, could not easily have passed herself off upon the Athenians for a goddess. The first inference which we shall draw from a combination of these particulars is, that the ceremony attending the return of Pisistratus was to all intents and purposes a dramatic representation of the same kind with that part of the Eumenides of Æschylus, in which the same goddess Athena is introduced in a chariot, recommending to the Athenians the maintenance of the Areopagus'.
See the passages quoted by Ruhnken on Timæus, sub v. oxruariSóuevos, (p. 245-6.) to which add Plat. Resp. p. 577, A.; KalitteraL ÚTÒ TNS Tūv Tupavviκων προστάσεως ήν προς τους έξω σχηματίζονται ... εν οίς μάλιστα γυμνός αν όφθείη της τραγικής σκευής.
6 See Welcker's Nachtrag, p. 250.
1 Herod. v. 67: ταύτα δε, δοκέειν έμοί, εμιμέετο ο Κλ. ούτος τον έωυτού μητροπάτορα, Κλ. τον Σικυώνος τύραννον. Κλεισθένης γάρ. .. ραψωδούς έπαυσε εν Σικυώνι αγωνίζεσθαι των Ομηρείων επέων είνεκα. Mr. Grote has shown good reasons for believing that the poems recited at Sicyon as Homeric productions were the Thebais and the Epigoni. Hist. Gr. vol. ii. p. 173, note.
3 See the passages quoted by Elmsley on the Heracl. 81.
Before we make any further use of the facts which we have alluded to, it will be as well to give some account of the celebrated contemporary of Pisistratus to whom the invention of Greek Tragedy has been generally ascribed. THESPIS was born at Icarius', a Diacrian deme', at the beginning of the sixth century B.c. His birth-place derived its name, according to the tradition, from the father of Erigone'; it had always been a seat of the religion of Bacchus, and the
9 The Deme of Semachus was also in that part of Attica.
2 όπου και το 'Αθήνησι του Διονύσου πρόσωπον εκείνου τινές φασιν εικόνα. Athenæus, xii. p. 533, C.
otepavónwhiç dè ñv. Athen. xiii. p. 609, c. 4 Solon (according to Plutarch, c. xxx.) applied the term únorpiveodai to another of the artifices of Pisistratus. Diogen. Laërt. Solon. i. says, OLOTIV ékúlvoev så Σόλων) τραγωδίας άγειν τε και διδάσκειν ώς άνωφελή την ψευδολογίαν. ότ' ουν Πεισίστρατος εαυτόν κατέτρωσεν, εκείθεν μέν έφη ταύτα φύναι.
5 This seems to be nearly the vicw taken of this pageant by Dr. Thirlwall, Hist. of Greece, vol. ii. p. 60. Mr. Keightley is inclined to conjecture from the meaning of the woman's name (Phya-size) that the whole is a myth.
6 Suidas, θέσπις, Ικαρίου πόλεως Αττικής.
Steph. Byz. 'Ikapia. Hygin. Fab. 130. Ov. Met. vi. 125.