allowed to retain his arms, were kept prisoners. While the party of sipahis was engaged on the walls, a kalissi, sent with ammunition, was intercepted by the men of the garrison, who took his supply of cartridges as well as his sword. Nasrulah, coming on the same errand, conveyed a second supply. The same man also brought the welcome news of the repulse of the escalade. The victorious sipahis now wished that a guard should remain over the slain on the walls till morning should enable them to see and despoil them. I wished Lieut. Loveday not to have permitted this, from deference to the feelings of the other Brahoes of the garrison, and hoped he would be satisfied that the men were killed, and allow their own countrymen to rifle them. He tartly replied, that the spoils were the hak or right of the sapahis, and a guard was sent. Nasrulah was desired to accompany it, but declined, aware that the act would excite ill-feeling. The restitution of these arms was the first demand made by the rebels after they entered the town. In the grey of the morning, Lieut. Loveday went from his house to the spot of the night's achievement. We had scarcely reached it and cast our eyes on the corpses strewed around, and the broken ladders under the walls, when a brisk fire reopened on the side of Kamal Khan. We returned to our house, and learned that the enemy had renewed the attack, as it proved, under the idea, that Jelal Khan and his party (who they were not aware had surrendered) would open the gates to them. This attack was sharp, and continued for about two hours, when the enemy again withdrew.

"We might now have congratulated ourselves upon the events of the past night, but were not allowed long to do so, for symptoms of a general panic soon manifested themselves. They communicated even to our own people. It was true that the party of sipahis, who had so gallantly behaved, had in the heat of battle slain and wounded also some of the traitors of the garrison, and there was reason to apprehend, unless measures of precaution were adopted, that in another attack they would side openly with the enemy. Throughout the day, our sipahis were constantly exclaiming that there was treachery, inferring so from the guns at the Miri, occasionally fired, being loaded with blank cartridges, as they supposed. In the evening we were visited by Shah Nawaz Khan, who was low-spirited. I proposed to eject the traitors with or without their arms. This step the Khan did not think advisable. I next proposed to give every man of the garrison a small sum of money, and to promise as much more, every time they repulsed the foe. This mode was not approved of. From this day, the casting of bullets was suspended, and all idea of continuing the defence seemed to be abandoned. Succeeding events better explained the cause of the panic, and its origin. Kamal Khan, upon whom Shah Nawaz Khan almost entirely depended, declared the place untenable, that arrangements were indispensable, and all but affirmed that he would fight no more. It seems the enemy, enraged at Kamal Khan's opposition, had threatened to send to Baghwana for his wives and children, with the view of placing them in their front as they marched to the walls, and thereby to compel him to open the gates to them. Whether affected by this menace, or that he had previously inclined to play a double part, he now wavered, and Shah Nawaz Khan found he could no longer reckon on him. It may also be, that communion with his prisoner Jelal Khan did the Baghwana chief no good. About sunset, a Saiyad, as vakil, came to the town on the part of the enemy, either in pursuance of a concerted plan, or that, finding force was ineffectual, it was deemed necessary to have recourse to fraud. I very much protested against the admission of this man, but Shah Nawaz Khan said it was right, and Lieut. Loveday did not object. The Khan next sent an Elchi to the camp of the enemy, observing, it behoved him to do so, as an Elchi had been sent to him. It was easy to divine what would be the end of negotiation. On the next day, Kamal Khan met the Sirdars of Saharawan in a garden without the town. What passed is not known, but the result of the conference was an ekrar nameh, or engagement between the Sirdars of Jhalawan and Saharawan, giving the takht or masnad of Kelat to the son of the late Mehrab Khan, and Baghwana, Zodi, and Khozdar to Shah Nawaz Khan, the latter vacating Kelat on the third day. Lieut.

A

Loveday, with his sipahis, people and property, was to be escorted to Shall. copy of the document, sealed by Kamal Khan, on behalf of the Sirdars of Jhalawan, by the Saharawan Sirdars, Mahomed Khan Shervane, Malek Dinar, Mahmud Shah, Jahen Mahomed, Bangul Zai, and Mahomed Khan Lari, was given to Lieut. Loveday. I could not forbear pointing out the absurdity of the affair, but he did not see it in such a light, or conscious thereof, professed to be satisfied. I represented that the principals on neither side were engaged in the treaty, or parties to it, while the Sirdars of Saharawan were at the moment rebels-probably outlaws-therefore little competent to execute treaties. There was also the question as to what the government would say to what was going on, and it was not likely to be influenced by the treaties of such men. The pointing out that the son of Mehrab Khan, the Darogah Gul Mahomed and others might not think themselves pledged by the seals of the Saharawan chiefs, induced Lieut. Loveday to make an effort to obtain their seals also, through Kamal Khan. They were not given, but that of Azzad Khan, of Kharan, was affixed to the instrument. It was in vain I urged to Lieut. Loveday how studiously the principals avoided to commit themselves, and the danger he ran. Kamal Khan explained, and justified his conduct after his own fashion, and Lieut. Loveday was satisfied. I spoke so much to Kamal Khan, that at last he used to take Lieut. Loveday aside, and would not speak in my presence, when instilling into him notions of his security. Lieut. Loveday's dependents and servants, many of whom were admitted to his counsel, applauded the act, and anticipated the happy sway of Mir Nasir Khan, so was called Mehrab Khan's young son, I could only forebode evil, and wearied myself in conjecture as to what would be the end of the drama.

"As soon as the ekrar nameh had been concluded, intercourse was free between the town and rebel camp, and Nasrulah, Lieut. Loveday's Kelat servant, began the work of deception by producing a letter, which he said the Darogah, his ancient master, had sent to him when he and the young khan started from Kharan, desiring him to tell Lieut. Loveday how much the Darogah esteemed him. Nasrulah was now, in consequence, sent to the Darogah, and returned bringing back the kindest assurances, either never made by that crafty old man, or made only to deceive. Lieut. Loveday had, on the first mention of negotiation, been taken by Shah Nawaz Khan to the Miri, and had seen the Khan's mother, who with her son thought at the time there was no alternative but treaty. Now, however, better acquainted with the state of the rebel camp, Shah Nawaz Khan and Mir Boher of Zehri wished to break off the treaty, Mir Boher had been suspected, and perhaps with justice; but events had changed him, and he was now willing to continue the defence: indeed, since the investment, he had fought with sincerity. He came twice or thrice to Lieut. Loveday, with and without Shah Nawaz Khan, and I strenuously urged that officer to encourage their warlike notions, and once induced him to give his hand to Shah Nawaz Khan and to Mir Boher; but the fatal influence of Haji Osman, Nasrulah, and the rest, paralyzed every thing. These men made the grossest misrepresentations as to the numbers of the rebels, their abundance of provisions and other necessaries, which were believed; whereas they were without food and ammunition, and if kept at bay two or three days more, must have dispersed. Mir Boher proposed to have provided against treachery within by removing the parties who had manifested it to other points, and placing in their stead Khan Mahomed Khan, an approved good man, and his party. He was also averse to ejection from the town, which I still suggested, but did not press when a remedy was thought of. I asked Mir Boher what had come over Kamal Khan? He replied that Kamal Khan had become faint-hearted, but that he would get him round. Mir Boher spoke with real anguish to Shah Newaz Khan of the disgrace about to fall on them, saying, it was bin bureda, or ‘cutting off their horses,' and that Kamal Khan had spoiled all. I must always think it was most unfortunate that Lieut. Loveday did not at this period exercise a sound judgment, and give a hearty support to Shah Nawaz Khan and Mir Boher when they were in the humour to fight. Could Kamal Khan have been

brought round, and they were confident he might, there was no fear of the place being held. I have since heard that the treachery was not so widely spread as was at first apprehended, and that Rahim Khan Lutiani, of Zehri, and his party, with all the Kambararis of the garrison, were devoted to Shah Nawaz Khan. The evil persons about Lieut. Loveday would not allow him to act as his unprejudiced opinions might have permitted him, and filled his ears with a thousand suspicions of Mir Boher, Kamal Khan, and Shah Nawaz Khan, while they enlarged on the kind treatment and protection he would receive from the opposite party. While these things were going on, I discoursed as seriously as I could with Lieut. Loveday on the folly of putting himself in the power of the unprincipled men without, and urged to him that he should judge for himself, uninfluenced by the low incompetent people about him; that the business was one in which the government would have something to say, and they were incapable of conception even of the light in which it would be regarded. One evening we talked until very late, pacing up and down the room, and Lieut. Loveday gave a jump and exclaimed, he would die;' but it was only for the moment, and the safer counsels of Haji Osman and Sampat reconciled him to life. I did not, however, understand there was any occasion to die, for had the defence been continued, and the town, contrary to all probability, had been forced, all those who had now been staunch would have irretrievably committed themselves with Mehrab Khan's son's party, and would have retired with us, by the Mustung gate, which was in our own hands, and we should have all moved upon Zehri, from which Lieut. Loveday and his party might have passed over into Kachi, or, if convenient, hostilities might have been renewed, by forming a party in Jhalawan, which might easily have been done.

(The conclusion next month.)

CRITICAL NOTICES.

Examen Méthodique des Faits qui Concernent le Thian- Tchu, ou l'Inde; Traduit du Chinois, Par M. G. PAUTHIER. Paris, 1840.

THIS is a work for which the students of the history and antiquities of China and India will not hesitate to confess deep obligations to the learned author. It is a careful translation from Chinese authorities of the historical records of their intercourse with India, and the regions beyond the Indus, from the time of the Han dynasty, B. C. 126, illustrated (we may truly say) by copious notes, containing the original texts, where necessary, and evincing great learning, research, and ingenuity. By means of his familiarity not only with the Chinese language, but with Sanscrit and other Indian dialects, M. Pauthier has been able to elucidate the text, to confirm the accuracy of the Chinese authorities, and to identify the names of objects, and thereby to throw a light upon the state of India at an early period, which will materially aid the investigations now prosecuting by the help of the Indo-Bactrian relics. The different modes in which foreign names are written by the Chinese, are calculated to obscure them to persons who are not competent to trace the process of transcription. One mode is that of translating the name (where significant) out of the foreign language into their own, whereby not the slightest resemblance to the original is offered to the ear or the eye. As an example of this mode of transcription, we may mention the designation Himalaya, or Himálagiri, which signifies Snowey mountains." The Chinese write the same Seuě-shan, which means precisely the same. Another mode of transcription is that of representing the sound or sounds of the foreign name in their own characters (employed phonetically) as nearly as the peculiarity of the Chinese language, which is destitute of certain sounds, will permit. Thus Samarkand is written with four characters, Sa-ma-urh-kan; and Champarun (in Behar) Chapoo-ho-lo.

Amongst the facts which this valuable body of materials offers (and to which we shall take a future opportunity of referring more at length); it is stated in the Chinese

66

records that, about A.D. 159, “ all the kingdoms of Kabul (within Kaou-foo) and of Hindustan belonged to the Yuě-she (Yuě, moon ;' she'race'), who had put their kings to death, and substituted military commanders to rule them." This fact of the domination of the lunar race (Chandra-vansa) is important, and the Chinese author Ma-twan-lin states that, about B. C. 26, a prince of the Yue-she, who ruled one of the five states conquered by this race, subjected the Ye-tha (Getes), and Ki-pin (Cophenes, between Kabul and Kashmer), and that "the Yuě-she again became masters of India."

We may take this occasion to mention that M. Pauthier is employed upon an Etymological Dictionary, Chinese, Latin, and French, upon an excellent plan, exhibiting the sounds of the characters not only in Chinese, but in Japanese and other tongues which are written in the Chinese character, and subjoining definitions extracted from the lexicographers of China.

Memorial of Richard Spooner, late Political Superintendent of Sawunt Warree. Bombay, 1840.

THE publication of this Memorial (addressed to the Court of Directors, praying for the redress of his wrongs in being removed from his post of Political Superintendent of the country of Sawunt Warree adjoining the Goa country) is doubtless intended as a vindication of the memorialist from the imputations cast upon him on account of his connexion with the putting to death of certain insurgents in that country by Lieutenant Gibbard under his orders, in December 1838, and for which that officer lost his commission, and was put upon his trial for murder, of which offence he was acquitted. The details given by Mr. Spooner show that the country was in a state of great disorder; that prompt and energetic measures were necessary to tranquillize it, and that the measures adopted by Mr. Spooner had the effect of restoring tranquillity. There seems, however, no reason to doubt that, whatever might be this gentleman's intention, his “vague and loose" verbal directions to Lieut. Gibbard led that young officer to believe that his instructions were to take no prisoners, and consequently to put to death those insurgents who fell into his hands. Mr. Spooner states that time and the circumstances of the case did not admit of his giving written instructions. The subsequent remarks in the memorial tend apparently to justify the severity exercised by Mr. Gibbard; and we do not find that Mr. Spooner expressly denies that it was his intention that that officer should take no prisoners, though he argues that, as Lieut. Gibbard had been found guilty by Court-martial of having caused certain prisoners to be shot" without due authority and warrant for so doing," this is sufficient proof of the memorialist's innocence of having given him instructions to seize persons and then summarily put them to death. He further states that Lieut. Gibbard has certified to him, and given to him a written document, to the effect "that he never has stated, and never intended attempting to prove, that he was ordered to seize prisoners and afterwards put them to death," and that the Bombay government, after a rigid inquiry into all the circumstances, has fully acquitted Mr. Spooner of ever having given such instructions to Lieut. Gibbard. This places Mr. Gibbard's conduct in a very serious light. On the other hand, Mr. Spooner admits that Lieut. Gibbard informed him that Goondee Purrub, a Goa subject, had been seized (i, e. taken prisoner) and immediately afterwards shot, and that he (Mr. Spooner)" could not, under all the circumstances of the case, do otherwise than applaud his conduct!” A General Outline of the Animal Kingdom, and Manual of Comparative Anatomy. BY THOMAS RYMER JONES, F. Z. s., Professor of Comparative Anatomy in King's College, London. London, 1841. Van Voorst.

THIS work, which is now brought to a close, exhibits "a complete view of the organization and physiological relations of every class of living beings," and "a succinct account of the structure and development of the vital organs through all the modifications that they present in the long series of the animal creation." It is illustrated by 336 engravings, and is worthy of accompanying the other excellent works on natural history which have emanated from the same publishers.

Sir Henry Cavendish's Debates of the House of Commons, from May, 1768, to June, 1774. By J. WRIGHT. Part III. London, 1841. Longman & Co. THIS third part of these valuable recovered records comprehends, amongst others, the debates on the riots in St. George's Fields, Mr. Wilkes's Middlesex Election, and Mr. Dowdeswell's motion to disqualify officers in the Revenue from voting for members of Parliament. They are full and highly curious.

Records of Female Piety, comprising the Lives and Extracts from the Writings of Women eminent for religious excellence. By JAMES A. HUIE. Edinburgh, 1841. Oliver & Boyd.

A SMALL body of female religious biography, the examples being taken principally from our own countrywomen.

First Report of the Progress of Legal Education in Ireland, from the Principal of the Dublin Law Institute to the Council of the Society. Dublin, 1841. Hodges & Smith.

THIS first Report of the proceedings of the Dublin Law Institute, with a copy of the proceedings, and the introductory lectures of the professors (showing the plan proposed to be pursued in the several departments of this "Law School"), afford good reason to believe that this attempt to promote and extend so important a study in Ireland will have an excellent effect upon the general tone of education in that country.

Nine Years' Residence, and a Nine Months' Tour on Foot, in the States of New York and Pennsylvania, for the use of Labourers, Farmers, and Emigrants. By THOMAS DUDGEON, once a Scotch Farmer. Edinburgh, 1841.

MR. DUDGEON, having suffered severely by being a successful suitor in the Courts of Law of his country, and having, through disgust, "emigrated rather abruptly," has delivered himself of some shrewd and pungent remarks upon America, which may be of much value to the classes for whom his book is intended.

A Letter to the Clergy of Various Denominations, and to the Slave-holding Planters, in the Southern Parts of the United States of America. By THOMAS CLARKSON. London, 1841. Johnston and Barrett.

THIS is a solemn appeal to the American slave-holders, by the venerable apostle of emancipation, pointing out not only the sinfulness but the impolicy of holding labourers in a state of bondage, and calling upon the planters of the United States to "lose not a moment in enfranchising their slaves," for their own sakes.

A Manual of Logarithms and Practical Mathematics; for the use of Students, Engi neers, Navigators, and Surveyors, &c. By JAMES TROTTER. Edinburgh, 1841. Oliver and Boyd.

A very convenient mathematical text-book; clear, concise, and accurate. Natural Philosophy; adapted for Self-instruction and use in Schools. Book First. Pneumatics. By HUGO REID. Edinburgh, 1841. Oliver and Boyd.

A treatise, at once scientific and popular, on aeriform fluids, comprising the latest theories, and illustrated with explanatory engravings.