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catch the reply. Han khodabund,” replied the khansaman-jee. gintlemen, come leedies, those who have any mind to ate may follow me." Thus saying, the general, with great gaieté de cœur, presented his arm to the old lady of the bird of paradise plume, and hobbled off with her, chattering and laughing, and followed by the whole company. I, the lanky griffin, brought up the rear, looking, on the whole, rather small.

The coup-d'œil of a grand dinner party in Calcutta, given by a rich merchant or high official, is a very splendid affair, and perhaps eclipses any thing to be seen in the mansions of persons of the same rank in England. The general's presented a brilliant sample of oriental style: a long and lofty room in a blaze of lustre, from a row of wall-lights; a table, covered with a profusion of plate and glass, occupied nearly the whole length of the apartment; the huge punkahs, suspended from the ceiling, with their long fringes, waved to and fro, gently agitating the air in the room, which would otherwise have been hardly endurable from the crowd it contained. There was much lively conversation, taking wine, and clashing of knives and plates; altogether far less quiet, I thought, than at a dinner in England. The peculiar feature, however, of the scene, and that which marked most strongly its eastern character, was the multitude of servants in attendance on the guests; behind each chair, on an average, stood two khidmut-gars, or footmen, with black beards and moustachios, and attired in the various gay liveries of their masters, adapted to the turban and Indian costume; most of them were the domestics of great people, and exhibited in their looks a good deal of that pampered, self-satisfied importance, so often observable in our metropolitan servants here at home-the vulgar reflection of their masters' consequence. Many stood, their arms folded, with Roman dignity, gazing consequentially about them, and mentally making their observations on their fellow-servants and the guests. Dinner over and the ladies withdrawn, the gentlemen closed up, and the conversation became more general. The Calcutta dinner parties are not usually scenes of uproarious conviviality; yet, as this was the anniversary of some great event in the history of the general, he seemed determined on its being celebrated with something approaching to a "jollification." "Fill your glasses, gintlemen," said he, as we closed up. Toasts were given, healths followed toasts, and speeches succeeded healths, and Mr. Growle was pleasantly sarcastic upon our mother-country, from whence he had just returned. Mr. Growle had evidently a slight touch of eccentricity, the which either in man or woman, like an infinitisimal taste of the brogue, gives life and expression to the character, and is not consequently disagreeable. He was evidently a favourite with all about him, to all of whom he appeared well known, though they, unable to read him aright, evidently set him down as a mere grumbling visionary. It was late when, taking leave of the general's family, I returned to my room in the barracks.

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In the Pindarry war of 1816, Lieutenant B. and Ensign J. S., with an escort of six rank and file of the Bombay army, whilst on their march on an extensive plain, between Seroor and Jaulnah, were suddenly attacked by some score of Pindarries, armed with swords and spears. Lieut. B. and his party withstood several charges, made their way to some broken ground, and bore the threats and execrations of the Pindarries for many hours; they were then left free, with two loaded camels, a wounded man, and the body of one of their comrades speared through the heart.

This anecdote can be verified by the testimony of a living witness.


THE proceedings at Penang against Tuanku Mahomed Saad and his brothers, the statements made by his counsel and adopted by the Recorder, and the observations upon the whole Quedah question contained in the Straits and Indian papers, all founded upon an ex-parte view of the question, calculated to place the British authorities in an unfavourable position, excited, as might have been expected, a strong sentiment of sympathy towards the rajah and his family, and of indignation at the injustice he was supposed to have suffered. In our last Journal (in a note to Mr. Anderson's communication), we stated that some documents had been published at Calcutta, the effect of which had been to produce a re-action of opinion upon this subject, and to justify the British Government. Since that note was written, we have had the means of examining various official documents and authorities, which, in conjunction with a personal communication with Colonel Burney, have fully comvinced us that the view we took of this question, in the first instance, from the exparle statements referred to, was an erroneous one.

We have not space at present to enter into a minute examination of the subject; but we may observe, that the two cardinal points of the whole question, are, first, whether the British Government, in treating for the cession of Penang with the Rajah of Quedah, stipulated to secure to him the enjoyment of that state and protect him against foreign enemies; second, whether Quedah is independent of Siam. The arguments in favour of the Rajah are founded upon the affirmative of both these propositions; whereas, after a careful investigation, we are clearly of opinion that neither can be affirmed.

The Supreme Government of India, at the period of the cession of Penang, not only entered into no stipulation to guarantee the Rajah of Quedah in his possessions, but, as appears from repeated precautionary directions, carefully abstained from any such engagement, and took every means of warning the rajah that the British authorities would not interfere in disputes of that kind. An inference to the contrary has been attempted to be drawn from a strained interpretation of parts of documents, which the context will not bear, and it is opposed to the whole tenour of the negociation, which was based, not upon political, but upon pecuniary considerations.

With regard to the second point, which is less important than the other, after consulting the best authorities (including the narratives of early travellers, the opinions of late writers, such as Sir Stamford Raffles and Mr. Crawfurd, well qualified to pronounce an opinion upon the subject, and the result of inquiries instituted by the Supreme Government), we are led to the irresistible conclusion, that Quedah is, and always has been, a dependency of Siam, and that the transmission of the Bunga Mas was not a nominal, but a real type of dependency: it has been so understood by the Quedah Rajahs, who have not hesitated to acknowledge themselves vassals of Siam.

The manner in which the Siamese and the Rajah of Quedah may have respectively administered the government; the policy of assisting the former, and the course pursued in the capture and subsequent treatment of Tuanku

Mahomed Saad and his brothers, are distinct questions, our opinion respecting which has undergone no material change.

In respect to the embassy of Colonel Burney, who appears to have been by no means fairly dealt with, being supposed to have sacrificed the interests of the Rajah of Quedah, that gentleman acted upon his instructions, which (grounded upon the facts, that we are under no obligation to protect the Rajah of Quedah, and that the king of Siam's claim of sovereignty over that territory was indisputable) authorized him to interfere on behalf of the Rajah only in the way of friendly suggestion and conciliation, and he failed in his endeavours, simply because he had no equivalent to offer to the Siamese for the surrender of their undoubted rights. That Colonel Burney fulfilled all the instructions of his government most satisfactorily, appears from various documents now before us.

In a letter from the secretary to the Supreme Government to the Envoy, dated 23rd February, 1827, it is said, "The Vice-President in Council is happy to express his entire satisfaction with your conduct during the period of your residence at Bankok, and considers you to have accomplished, in a manner highly creditable to your judgment, talent, and address, every object of your mission, which, under the circumstances detailed in your very clear and able reports, the Siamese Court could be expected to concede ;" and on the subject of Quedah, the sentiments of the Supreme Government are thus distinctly expressed :—

"With respect to the thirteenth article of the treaty, the Vice-President in Council deems it due to you to declare, that he is by no means surprised at your failure to accomplish by negotiation the restoration of the ex-King of Quedah, a point to which the government of Prince of Wales' Island in particular attached so much importance, since, independently of your not being empowered to tender to the Siamese an equivalent for the profit which they derive from the direct occupation of that country, the pride and resentment of the chief officers of the Siamese court were evidently strongly excited against the ex-rajah by his clandestine overtures to their inveterate enemy the Burmese in 1824, while residing under our protection at Penang. When the Supreme Government expressed its hope that the Siamese monarch might be induced to re-instate the ex-King of Quedah in his hereditary dominions, it never contemplated the accomplishment of this object but by means of a reconciliation to be effected through the good offices of the British Government between him and the court of Siam. The employment of any menace, therefore, on your part to enforce compliance with our wishes in favour of the ex-King of Quedah, would have entirely changed the ground of negotiation, and have been at variance with the conciliatory objects of your mission to the Siamese court."

The Governor-General, in ratifying the treaty, observes (through his secretary), that "he entirely concurs with the Vice-President in Council in highly commending the zeal, address, temper, and ability, displayed by the Envoy during his negotiations with the Government of Siam. The Governor-General further considers, that the results of Captain Burney's mission have been in the main successful, as placing the political and commercial relations of the British nation with the state of Siam on a decidedly improved

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footing, and, at all events, the treaty negotiated by that officer has, in his Lordship's judgment, secured every advantage which could have been expected under the instructions furnished to him by the Supreme Government." Nor was the Penang government, although upon local questions it adopted views different from those of Colonel Burney and of the Supreme authorities, backward in commending his ability and success, as appears from the following extract from a Minute in Council by the Honourable Mr. Fullerton, Governor of Prince of Wales' Island, dated 15th June, 1826 :

"The object of the mission to Siam was twofold. First in order, though not in importance, to effect the ratification of the agreement made with the Raja of Ligor, involving objects in which the interests of this government were considered to be deeply concerned. The second, and the most important, was to keep open a direct communication with the Court of Siam ; to explain to that court the views and intentions of the British Government in the prosecution of the Burmese war; to communicate the course of its success, and the nature and extent of co-operation required from the Siamese government; to adjust,

the same time, by mutual explanation, all differences which might arise between the subordinate officers of each respectively; in short, to maintain and improve the amicable relations subsisting between the two states, as well as to be prepared on the spot to adjust and settle the terms under which it might eventually be deemed advisable to transfer to Siam any portion of our conquests in the vicinity of that state. It is satisfactory to find, that the exertions of Captain Burney have fully succeeded in one of the most important objects of the mission, the maintenance of harmony between two states, whose armies were in contiguity to each other, and where subjects of difference and disputes were so likely to arise. The claims and pretensions of the Siamese to participate in our conquests, without the corresponding and reciprocal duty of aid and cooperation have been met with steadiness, and, at the same time, with prudent conciliation. Differences have become subjects of amicable negotiations, which, without the intervention of a prudent agent, might have become matter of hostile contention; and, lastly, by the unceasing labours of Captain Burney, conducted under circumstances the most mortifying, arising from the arrogant and vexatious character of those with whom he had to deal, the government of Siam have, by the return of the captives, been brought to afford substantial disavowal of the acts of their chief at Chimpolum, in carrying away the inhabitants of Tenasserim."

We may take this opportunity of observing, that an article in the Friend of India of Calcutta, strongly condemnatory of the conduct of our Government in this affair, and which was published in some of the London papers, tended materially (from the general moderation of that journal) to strengthen the misapprehensions regarding this question. The same journal has, however, since published another article, the result of further consideration of the subject with ampler means of information, retracting its charges against the Government, and placing the question in its proper light. Equal publicity has not hitherto been given in this country to the retractation.


THOSE Who have read Mr. Elphinstone's account of Cabul will remember his description of the democratic tribes of that country, and especially of the Eusofzyes. The late operations beyond the Indus afforded the means of becoming more intimately acquainted with those tribes, and of these means two able individuals attached to our army-Dr. Lord and Capt. Edward Conollywere beginning to avail themselves, when they were cut off by a sort of chancemedley. Their loss will deprive the literary and scientific world of much valuable information respecting the countries of Central Asia. Some incomplete notices have been found amongst the papers of Dr. Lord, and Captain Conolly, just before his death, had forwarded to the Asiatic Society of Bengal the first of a series of papers on the tribes of Affghanistan, entitled "Notes on the Eusofzye tribes," which has been published in the Society's Journal. We subjoin an abridgment of this paper :—

The country of the Eusofzyes is naturally, and by themselves, divided into the Sum, (a Pushtoo word signifying 'a plain') and the Kohistan or hilly districts, comprising the valleys of Chumla, Booneer, Swat, &c. and the physical characteristics of the two divisions are hardly more opposed to each other than are the manners and condition of their respective inhabitants. The Sum is peopled by that great branch of the Eusofzyes, called the Munder. Scattered over a perfectly level plain, everywhere practicable for guns, in villages which mutual jealousy prevents them from fortifying even with walls, the Munders have always been exposed to the inroad of foreign invaders, and seem in consequence to have early sought the protection of, and willingly to have submitted to, some one chief of their own clan; though their peculiar democratic institutions prevented their acknowledging obedience to any minor authority, if we except that capricious and limited deference which custom has accorded to the petty Mulliks. The Mullikzyes, a powerful and numerous tribe, whose principal seat is Yar Hossein, the largest village in the Sum, are said formerly to have given a Khan to the Munders; but the chieftainship has been in the family of Punjtar since the days of Aurungzebe, whose letters patent it still possesses. Though in the confusion consequent on the dismemberment of the monarchy, several chiefs have risen to limited authority in the Sum, all of them acknowledge as their rightful head-if they have ceased to pay obedience to the descendants of-Bagho Khan, the founder of that family, and these alone possess the power of life and death, the Beri Kheil (that of Bagho) being regarded with a respect hardly inferior to that paid by the Douranees to their Sudozyes.

Futteh Khan, sixth in descent from Bagho, died a few days before I left Peshawer. The high character he supported during a period of peculiar difficulty, and the light which his history throws on the present condition of the Eusofzyes, require that a slight sketch of his career should be given. It was during the short, but brilliant reign of Syud Ahmed, whose principal supporter he was, and to whom he may be said to have given the crown, that Futteh Khan obtained his greatest power; not only the Munders, but the Eusofs of Swat and Booneer seem to have acknowledged him as their head and leader at this period, but on the defeat and death of the Syud Badshah, the consequence of Futteh Khan became daily less and less. The Sikhs, flushed with victory, poured large armies and large treasures into the plain, and by bribing some, and intimidating others, contrived, if they could not get possession of the country, to weaken it by exciting jealousies and divisions among the petty tribes, and by substituting numerous small lordships in the place of one common interest. The people of the hills, particularly those of Booneer, who had been the principat supporters of the Sum against its foreign enemies, disheartened by their losses at Noushera, contented themselves with brooding over their disgrace, and rarely ven

No. cv. 1840.

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