without seriously facing the great ethical questioning of even his own day. While all this is true, the outcome of Francke's activity was of the greatest benefit to both the church and the nation, and his own services should never be underestimated because of the feeble caricatures of the pietistic epigonen.

The chief ethical weakness of the pietistic movement was its failure to formulate an ethical principle for the judgment of life's actual situations, and the consequent relegation to law and convention of some of the most important and educative of moral decisions. It is very easy to set up a law, "Thou shalt not do so and so"; it is far harder but also far more important to teach men to apply fundamental principles to the constantly changing and shifting circumstances of life. The ethics of Pietism shared with monasticism and Puritanism an element of world-flight. The world danced, therefore the Christian must not dance. The world played cards, therefore the Christian must not play cards. The world went to the theatre, therefore the Christian must not go to the theatre. The world amused itself with games and fêtes, therefore the Christian must play no games and attend no fêtes. The fatal compromises made with the world were so abhorrent to Pietism, it so rightly judged a lukewarm Christianity as more harmful than actual opposition, that it sought to cut the knot and get out of any danger even of compromise. The result was the hypocrisy, the sense of unreality, the pharisaism that haunts all legalism and all attempts at world-flight.

The men we have been considering did not leave the church. They did not even try to construct an imperium in imperio, but they gave the inevitable basis upon which such attempts should be made. Some sought in inner circles within the church to realize the dream of a purer type of Christian living for themselves at least,' and free from the amusements and the temptations of the world.

'Johann Georg Walch: "Historische und theologische Einleitung in die Religionsstreitigkeiten der evangelisch-lutherischen Kirche, von der Reformation an bis auf jetzige Zeiten," 5 vols., Jena, 1733, especially vol. II, pp. 357-400.

Others again found this hard or uncongenial, and pushed by the logic of the situation began to separate themselves from organized Christianity and to found brotherhoods for the cultivation of their life and the speedy furtherance of their central purpose. Such an attempt was made with the greatest success by Zinzendorf.1

He found the old Moravian church which had taken refuge on his estates the foundation for a brotherhood within the Lutheran church. The missionary purpose was his and their controlling and central ideal. The ethics of the movement exhibit the type of religious individualism made familiar in Spener, but the religious life represents even more strongly a reversal to medieval piety. The person and physical sufferings of the Saviour are in the foreground, and mystic devotion and even ecstasy were cultivated. The missionary zeal and selfsacrificing devotion to social service (nursing, teaching, etc.) saved the situation, but the theology and ethics are not in any sense pronouncedly Protestant. The Scriptures are the external authority, with, however, that dash of subjectivism that has always made this type of Roman Catholic devotion difficult to manage even face to face with the imperial hierarchy (Tauler, Suso, etc.). As over against State Lutheranism it had a very hard time, and never has flourished save where it commanded the situation absolutely, as at Herrnhut.

1 Zinzendorf, Count Nicholas Lewis (1700-1760), who gave the refugees from Moravia not only a home, but also a new organization. His works are numerous. Godfrey Clemens has collected some of his sermons: "Auszüge aus des seligen Ordinarii der Evangelischen Brüderkirche, sowol ungedrukten als gedrukten Reden über biblische Texte nach Ordnung der Bücher heiliger Schrift . . . etc.," 10 vols., Barby, 1763, etc. His hymns are collected by A. Knapp: "Geistliche Gedichte, gesammelt und gesichtet. . . mit einer Lebensskitze," etc., Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1845. Bengel (Johann Albrecht) has a critique of the movement: "Abriss der sogenannten Brüdergemeine, in welchem die Lehre und die ganze Sache geprüfet,” Stuttgart, 1751, neuer unveränderter Abdruck, Berlin, 1858. The most quoted life is that of Spangenberg (August Gottlieb): "Leben des Herrn N. L. Grafen und Herrn von Zinzendorf und Pottendorf," Barby, 1773-1775, 8 parts (the pagination is continuous throughout). The Life of N. L. Count Zinzendorf . . . translated (in an abridged form) by S. Jackson, London, 1838; a still briefer edition by J. Jackson, London, 1844.

Zinzendorf lived to see his movement floating on the tide of triumphant Pietism that swept over Germany. He had been banished from Saxony in the early days, but now was recalled and loaded with tokens of confidence and recognition. Pietism was never a proletariat movement in the strict sense in Germany. It never even had a large proletariat following such as Methodism won in England. It affected the smaller tradespeople and the urban population at a certain middle-class stage, and appealed strongly, like Whitefield's movement, to the aristocracy. Zinzendorf was himself brought up by his titled grandmother, and she had been one of Spener's personal friends and supporters. Neither in theology nor in ethics was there any original note or any great advance, save only as religious zeal enforced a measure of inwardness and broke down formalism and dogmatic correctness as a measure of life.

The pietist was taught to do a quite unwholesome amount of introspection, and the feelings were most unduly worked upon and emphasized. Fanaticism lay often close on the border line, and Puritanism was the outcome, with its almost inevitable deadness and mechanical religiosity. Hypocrisy is always an easier charge to make than to prove. But beyond question the pietistic movement produced in its later stages on the minds of many the impression of hypocrisy.

The separation of groups of pietists from the State church was made necessary by the foolish narrowness of State governments as in Würtemberg,' and the usual results of such separations appeared. Fanaticism is the child of persecution and intolerance breeds narrowness and extravagance. These all appear in the history of the little sects and divisions that sprang up in the wake of the great pietistic revival. With them, however, the main stream of history can hardly reckon.

1 Systematic ethics finds little new in the teachings of these groups. For an account of them, see Luthardt's "Geschichte der christlichen Ethik," vol. III, pp. 248-331, of the edition (in one vol.), 1893, but the details are too local to interest the English student.

X. THE ETHICS OF POST-TRIDENTINE ROMAN CATHOLICISM

It is a false assumption often made by Protestants that the great awakening was wholly a break with Rome. The Council of Constance (1414) began a distinct reformation, which, however, seemingly defeated resulted in many most important changes in the Roman policy. The attitude of the University of Paris was significant. It made a steady demand for exactly the step which at first marked Luther's attitude. Already in 1409 Gerson1 asked for a council, and he took the high ground of the supremacy of a council over the Pope. Gerson's mysticism was not metaphysical, but rather a religious and sentimental emotionalism. It included the "contemplation, ecstasy, rapture, melting, transformation, union, exultation, joy, joy to be in the spirit," etc.,3 and is not exclusive of the discursive reason. Gerson was a nominalist, but sought to avoid the scepticism of nominalism far short of resting simply on authority. We have immediate knowledge of God, and the powers of the mind are discussed under the two heads of "cognitive and effective."4 At the same time his ethics does not mark any advance upon mystical scholasticism of the type of Bonaventura, for example; and Dionysius and the Fourth Gospel are used uncritically.

1 Gerson, Jean Charlier, born December 14, 1365, died July 12, 1429. The founder, in a sense, of Gallicanism. Chief works (from our point of view) are: "Espistola de Reformatione Theologiæ" (1400); "De Monte Contemplationis"; "De Mystica theologia speculativa"; "De Mystica theologia practica." Editions of his works, Paris, 1606 ("Opera . . . auctiora et castigatiora, inque partes quatuor distributa . . . Accessit vita Gersonis .," edited by E. Reicher, in four parts). An edition by M. L. Ellies Du Pin, Antwerp, in 5 vols., 1706. The best monograph said to be that of Schwab (Johann Baptist): "Johannes Gerson. Eine Monographie," Würzburg, 1858. The writer has not

seen it.

2 Opera omnia, Antwerp edition, 1706, tom. II, pars 2, p. 161.

3 "Consideratio prima de triplici Theologia," pars 1, consid. 2, p. 366; vol. III, Antwerp edition.

"Expedit ad ipsius Theologiæ mysticæ cognitionem speculativam acquirendam, naturam animæ rationalis, et ejus potentias, tam cognitivas, quam affectivas cognoscere," "De mystica Theol.," pars 2, consid. 9 (p, 369, Antwerp edition).

At one point, however, he rises to a high level. He asserts in true Neoplatonic sense the immediate vision. Intelligence is unified, and is capable of receiving light immediately from God in which and through which the first principles are known to be true.' Then he brings this immediate knowledge in the "Theologia Practica" into direct relationship with morals. It is a pity that tradition blinded him to the ultimate logic of this position, and that thus he oscillates between reason and authority, between freedom and casuistry. He was, however, a thoroughgoing Catholic, and his persecution of Huss and maintenance of orthodoxy was the outcome of his real basis in authority. At the same time he was an exceedingly independent critic of the existent authority and one of the great forces making for actual living righteousness. Both the councils of Pisa and Constance were earnest and to some degree markedly successful attempts at reformation. It is noteworthy that Gerson undertook popular expositions of the Ten Commandments' very much in the spirit of the later Lutheran exposition.

When, therefore, the great awakening came, Rome became again profoundly conscious of what was at stake. At first the insurrection in the north was treated with contempt. Then as the revolt spread it was forced home upon Rome that her imperial ambition was endangered, and she began the work of reconstruction. In this work Ignatius de Loyola (Don

1 "In qua et per quam principia prima cognoscuntur esse vera et certissima, termini es apprehensis," "De mystica Theologia," pars 2, consid. 10 (p. 371, Antwerp edition).

2 "Opusculum Tripertium, de præceptis Decalogi,” Antwerp edition, tom. I, P. 426.

'Ignatius Loyola, was born 1491, and his work bears the stamp of his Spanish birth and his military training. His religious experience was profound and real. He dedicated himself to the church before he knew of her danger through Protestantism, and only his experience at Venice seems to have awakened him to his real mission. For full literature, see Otto Zöckler's article, "Jesuitenorden," in Herzog-Hauck's "Realencyklopädie,” vol. VIII, Leipsic, 1900, pp. 742-784, and V. Frins's article, "Jesuiten," in Wetzer and Welte's "Kirchenlexikon," vol. VI, Freiburg-i.-B., 1889, cols. 1364-1424. The popular "life" by Bouhours, Dominique. "La vie de S. Ignace, Fondateur de la Compagnie de Jésus," Paris, 1679, Nouvelle édition, "revue et corrigée," 2 vols., Avignon, 1821. An