The Federal Constitution is the very best of all Americanism, is the very foundation of the temple of equal rights, is the very underlying stone of equal opportunity to all men. More than that, it was the supreme pledge of Americans to Amèrica, of government by law, with the sponsorship of majorities, with protection to minorities, and freedom from usurpation of power, the people to rule. That is what the Federal Constitution was.

Men ofttimes sneer nowadays, like it were scme useless relic of the formative period, seemingly unmindful that on its guarantees rests the liberty that permits this very ungrateful sneering, and others pronounce it timeworn, antiquated and unsuited to modern liberties. Both forget that the world's orderly freedom had its inception in its beginning. Perhaps its simplicity for popular government under majority rule. has led to this scant appreciation, but the Constitution does abide, and it ever will so long as this Republic survives. The trouble is that its sacredness if not forgotten has been too little proclaimed. Most of us think it too righteous to assail. Many of us have held that the superstructure erected thereon has been so near ideal that for more than one hundred years we have had no peace time statute in this country making seditious utterance a crime.

tionally inspired fundamental law fits every real American, and the man who cannot fit himself to the Constitution is not fit for American citizenship, and he does not deserve our hospitality. It fully covers all classes and all masses in the benefits of its guarantees; and any class or any mass that is against the Constitution is against the country and the American flag.

The Enemy Within Our Gates This Republic has never feared any enemy from without. We no longer intend to be menaced by enemies from within. If any man seeks the advantages of American citizenship, let him subscribe to the duties and obligations of that American citizenship. If any man wishes the freedom of America let him join in that freedom's protection. If any man craves American hospitality, let him see that he does not abuse it. And if any man wishes to profit by American opportunity, let him join in preserving that opportunity for others. One cannot be half American and half European, or half something else. This is the hour calling for the all-American, everywhere and all the time.

Nor can the foreigner hereafter be a prolonged visitor or a resident alien, gathering the fruits of American opportunity and assuming the advantages of American citizenship, without committing himself, binding himself whole-heartedly to the duties and obligations of American citizenship. I do not mean a perfunctory declaration and formal He must renounce allegiance, and have a binding faith in America and American citizenship.

answers.

It were better to leave some of our industrial tasks undone than to undermine our

American government in their doing. But we must not accept an overwrought impression that the assault on orderly government is wholly or even mainly chargeable to the foreigners who have failed to subscribe to American citizenship. The worst offenders and the most effective conspirators are those who wear the garb of full-fledged American citizenship, and some of them were born to American opportunity and they have turned liberty into license.

The ignorant foreigner is far more a victim than he is a supporter, because he heard the gospel of revolution when no one was preaching to him the blessings of orderly lib erty and the rewards of American opportunity under the law. The agitator and the revolutionist find profit in agitation. There is not much agitation without compensation. They learned the foreigner's language, and they reached his sympathies, and they lied to his ignorant prejudices, while many an American Captain of Industry was contemplating dividends without a thought of the human element employed in their making. This crime of negligence had many notable exceptions, but as a general rule the Americans who invited and enlisted foreign activity to increase man power in American industry, forgot to teach the American language, and neglected to extend American sympathies, and never offered American fellowship, and failed to reveal the ideals of American citizenship, which are so essential to the stability of the Republic.

Practical Americanism in Business

It is well enough to preach Americanism, and we ought; but it is better to practice Americanism, and we must. In truth, we need practical Americanism in business, as well as proclaimed Americanism in politics. It is superb to lead in industry, commerce and finance, and no nation in the world ever illumined a page in history until it had attained industrial and commercial eminence. But the distinction is too costly if it is wrought at the cost of neglecting the qualities of American citizenship, and tending to unrest and ultimate revolution.

It is well enough to be concerned about the quality and the quantity of our wares, but it is better to make sure of the spirit employed in their making. We must be thinking of men as well as of materials, and the conditions of making as well as of marketing. The change in conditions in this country in the past twenty years is a mighty tribute to the awakened American conscience, but the neglect of education itself is a warning due to American heedlessness. There must be concern about devotion and duty, as well as

dividends, and there must be a thought about the eventful tomorrow as well as the golden tcday.

It is of no avail to merely preach contentment. Content never lighted a fire nor turned a wheel since the world began. More than that, the normal human being worth while does not know what content is. It does not exist for such a being. And more than that, mere subsistence does not make a citizen; and excessively generous compensation, without license therefor, blasts every hope of its acquirement. What humanity needs just now is understanding. The present day situation is the more acute because we are in the ferment that came of war and war's aftermath, with its fever and delirium and fighty ways. We are slow getting normal again, and the world needs sanity today as it never needed it before.

Many men have thought the ratification of the peace treaty and the League of Nations would make us normal again. But that is the cry of the patent medicine faker, whose one remedy miraculously cures every ill. And it won't do it. Undoubtedly formal peace will help, and I would gladly speed the day, if it can be done without the sacrifice of anything American. But as a matter of fact actual peace does now prevail, and commerce has resumed its wonted way. Normal thinking will help more, and normal living will have the effect of the magician's wand, paradoxical as that statement may seem. The world does deeply need to get normal, and liberal doses of mental science freely mixed with determined resolution will help mightily.

Genius and Management Essential

I do not mean that the old order will be restored. It never will come again. The world's upheaval, which ends autocracies, and destroys dynasties, and multiplies the cost of government, an upheaval which sweeps us beyond the sacred ratio of sixteen to one and makes silver the sacreder, sweeps humanity too far on to ever get back to the old conditions.

Certain fundamentals are unchanging and everlasting Life without toil never was and never can be. Ease and competence are nct to be seized in the frenzy of envy. These are the rewards of industry and toil, thrift and denial. There can be no excellence without great labor. There is no reward except as it is merited. Lowered cost of living and increased cost of production are an economic fraud; and yet men pretend to believe that such a thing may be. Capital makes possible and labor produces; but neither of them ever achieved without the other; and both of them

together never made a success except through genius and management. No one of them, either through the power of great wealth, or the force of knowledge, or the might of numbers is above the law, and no one of them shall ever dominate this free Republic.

Progress Must be Orderly

How well it is known there can be no liberty without security, and there can be no security without the supremacy of the law and the majesty of just government. In the Americanism of the Constitution there is neither fear or favor, but there are equal rights to all, equal opportunities beckoning to all men, and justice untrammeled. And the government which surrenders to the spiracies of the influential few, or yields to the intimidations of the organized many, does justice to neither; and it dims the torch of Americanism which must light the way to American faith.

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Let no

Government policies change, and laws are altered to meet the changes which attend all human progress, but there are orderly processes for effecting these changes. man proclaim the Constitution unresponsive to the American conscience. We have recently witnessed its amendment, with only a lapse of eighteen months between submission and ratification-with

some manifestations

of sorrow over the ultimate result. The Constitution does promptly respond to American conviction, and it is the rock on which is builded the temple of orderly liberty and the guarantee of freedom of the American Republic.

The insistent problem of the day, magnified by the war's madness, and revealed in the extreme of reaction from the hateful and destroyed autocracy, to misapplied and Bolshevist and destroying democracy, like the pathos of impotent Russia, is the preservation of civil liberty and all its guarantees.

Make Honest Success an Inspiration

Our American course is straight ahead, with liberty under the law, and freedom glorified in righteous restraint. Reason illumines the path, and knowledge points to every pitfall and byway to be avoided. America bids every man to climb to the heights, and rewards him as he merits it. This is the very essence of liberty, and it has made us what we are in this American Republic. The system may be imperfect, but under it we have wrought marvelously, and we have only begun. It would hurt the great forward

procession to attune our steps to the indolent and lazy; nor can we risk the course sometimes suggested in the insolent assumption of power by great wealth; but we can practice thrift and industry, we can live simply; we can make honest success an inspiration to succeed, and then march bravely on.

Sometimes we must go beneath the surface of the Gulf Stream if we want to find the direction of the resistless undercurrents of the ocean. It little matters what a man proclaims in an ephemeral outcry for fancied reformation. You get the true undercurrent when you learn his aspirations for his children and his children's children, and he stands with his generation between yesterday and tomorrow, eager to lift his children to a little higher plane that mediocrity will bridge, and which Socialism has never reached. He wants to hand on American freedom unabridged. He wants to bequeath the waters of American political life undiluted. He would bestow the equality of opportunity unaltered, and the security of just government unendangered. And the underwriting, my countrymen, is in the complete and rejoicing Americanism of every citizen of this Republic.

Putting Our House in Order

We wish to counsel, we want to co-operate, and we are ready to contribute. But we arrogate to ourselves the keeping of the American conscience and the American conception of moral obligation. It is fine to idealize, but it is very practical to make sure that one's own house is in perfect order before attempting the miracle of old world stabilization.

America has the task of getting her house in order. You can call it selfishness of nationality if you will. I hold it a patriotic inspiration to safeguard America first, to stabilize America first, to prosper America first, to think of America first, to exalt America first, to love and revere America first. We may do more then than provę exemplars to the world of enduring representative democracy, where the Constitution and its liberties are unshaken. We may go securely on to distant fulfilment, and make a strong and generous nation's contribution to human progress, forceful in example, generous in contribution, helpful in all suffering, and sympathetic in ali ills, and fearless in all conflicts. Let the Internationals dream, and the Bolshevist destroy; let the Socialist paralyze and the AntiNational sacrifice. In the spirit of this great Republic we proclaim Americanism and acclaim America.

of the department, and has created a "oneman" company to the detriment of himself as well as the company and its patrons. Distinctive Problems of Large and Smaller Trust Company Organizations

In the larger organizations, there has been a tendency to subdivide the functions to an extent that eliminates the personal contact with the trustor and beneficiaries. They are passed from one department, or division, or clerk, to another, for this, that or the other thing, and find there is no one responsible officer of the company, who is entirely familiar with their affairs and with whom they can establish a personal relationship and may always consult.

The problems which confront the newer and smaller trust companies are different from those with which the larger companies have to deal, and any plan of organization, to be of practical benefit, must, in a very large measure, fit the varying needs of all the companies, whether large or small. The aim of the committee, in its

study of these matters, has been to develop a plan which will meet the requirements of the average company, and which can readily be expanded in the case of the larger companies, or can be "telescoped" in the case of the smaller companies.

Planning an Ideal Organization

In planning an ideal organization, the fundamental considerations are: FIRST: To clearly analyze and logically segregate and group the various activities and functions, and in a manner which has been proven practical by actual experience. The more important ends to be attained by scientific grouping are the performance of each function in the most direct and efficient manner; the prevention of overlapping and duplication of functions and responsibility; the prevention of "slippage" or the failure to properly assign and attend to administrative details. Such a segregation is necessary in order to prevent waste of time and energy; maintain close supervision and