1

the Queen's death) that the young grandson (whose name I cannot remember) should be invited over to be educated in England; by which, I conceived, the Queen might be secure from the influence of cabals and factions; the zealots, who affected to believe the succession in danger, could have no pretences to complain; and the nation might one day hope to be governed by a prince of English manners and language, as well as acquainted with the true constitution of church and state. And this was the judgment of those at the helm before I offered it: Neither were they or their mistress to be blamed, that such a resolution was not pursued. Perhaps, from what hath since happened, the reader will be able to satisfy himself.

But it

I have now said all I could think convenient (considering the time wherein I am writing) upon these two points, which I proposed to discourse on; wherein I have dealt with the utmost impartiality, and, I think, upon the fairest supposition, which is that of allowing men to act upon the motives of their interests and their passions: For I am not so weak as to think one ministry more virtuous than another, unless by chance, or by extraordinary prudence and virtue of the prince; which last, taking mankind in the lump, and adding the great counterbalance of royal education, is a very rare accident; and, where it happens, is even then of little use, when factions are violent. so falls out, that, among contending parties in England, the general interest of church and state is more the private interest of one side than the other; so that, whoever professeth to act upon a principle of observing the laws of his country, may have a safe rule to follow, by discovering whose particular advantage it chiefly is, that the constitution should be preserved entire in all its parts. For there cannot, properly speaking, be above two parties in such a government as ours; and one side will find themselves obliged to take in all the subaltern denominations of those who dislike the present establishment, in order to make themselves a balance against the other; and such a party, composed of mixed bodies, although they differ widely in the several fundamentals of religion and government, and all of them

1 "Some Considerations upon the Consequences Hoped and Feared from the Death of the Queen." See p. 421. [T. S.]

from the true public interest; yet, whenever their leaders are taken into power, under an ignorant, unactive, or illdesigning prince, will probably, by the assistance of time or force, become the majority, unless they be prevented by a steadiness, which there is little reason to hope, or by some revolution, which there is much more reason to fear. For abuses in administration may last much longer than politicians seem to be aware of; especially where some bold steps are made to corrupt the very fountain of power and legislature: In which case, as it may happen in some states, the whole body of the people are drawn in, by their own supposed consent, to be their own enslavers; and, where will they find a thread to wind themselves out of this labyrinth? Or, will they not rather wish to be governed by arbitrary power, after the manner of other nations? For whoever considers the course of the Roman empire after Cæsar's usurpation, the long continuance of the Turkish government, or the destruction of the Gothic balance in most kingdoms of Europe, will easily see how controllable that maxim is, that, res nolunt diu malè administrari: Because, as corruptions are more natural to mankind than perfections, so they are more likely to have a longer continuance. For the vices of men, considered as individuals, are exactly the same when they are moulded into bodies; nor otherwise to be withheld in their effects, than by good fundamental laws; in which, when any great breaches are made, the consequence will be the same as in the life of a particular man, whose vices are seldom known to end but with himself.

ΤΗ

MEMORIAL

ΤΟ

THE QUEEN.1

APRIL 15, 1714.

HE change of ministry about four years ago, the fall of the Duke of Marlborough, and the proceedings since in lation to the peace and treaties, are all capable of being very maliciously represented to posterity, if they should fall under the pen of some writer of the opposite party, as they probably may.

Upon these reasons, it is necessary, for the honour of the queen, and in justice to her servants, that some able hand should be immediately employed to write the history of her majesty's reign; that the truth of things may be transmitted to future ages, and bear down the falsehood of malicious pens.

The Dean of St. Patrick's is ready to undertake this work; humbly desiring her majesty will please to appoint him her historiographer, not from any view of the profit (which is so inconsiderable, that it will hardly serve to pay the expense of searching offices), but from an earnest desire to serve his queen and country; for which that employment will qualify him, by an opportunity of access to those places where papers and records are kept, which will be neccessary to any who undertake such an history.

This is the Memorial which Swift addressed to the Queen for the position of historiographer. In spite of the warmth with which his application was urged by his friends, Swift did not obtain the post. It was, to his great chagrin, given to one Thomas Madox. Swift blamed Bolingbroke for this. "I am not of your opinion," he wrote to Miss Vanhomrigh, "about Lord Bolingbroke; perhaps he may get the staff, but I cannot rely on his love to me; he knew I had a mind to be historiographer, though I valued it not, but for the public service, yet it is gone to a worthless rogue that nobody knows." [T. S.]

S

APPENDIX.

WIFT'S retirement, in the middle of the year 1714, first

to Letcombe and then to Ireland, at a time when his friends, the ministers, were, to use his own phrase, “like a ship's crew quarrelling in a storm," aroused no little comment. Friends and enemies alike were surprised. Of the former, Arbuthnot, Ford, Lewis, and even Lady Masham have given ample evidence of their astonishment and regret. Lady Masham, writing to Swift in reply to a letter in which he prayed "God send you wise and faithful friends to advise you at this time, when there are so great difficulties to struggle with," said to him: "That is very plain and true; therefore, will you, who have gone through so much, and taken more pains than anybody, and given wise advice (if that wretched man [Oxford] had had sense enough and honesty to have taken it) I say, will you leave us and go into Ireland? No, it is impossible; your goodness is still the same, your charity and compassion for this poor lady [the dying Queen], who has been barbarously used, won't let you do it. I know you take delight to help the distressed; and there cannot be a greater object than this good lady, who deserves pity. Pray, dear friend, stay here; and do not believe us all alike to throw away good advice," etc.

Swift's enemies, on their part, seized the occasion to make fun of him. They were, probably, mightily pleased at what appeared like "throwing up the sponge." Two pamphlets appeared, and, as Scott observes, they not only show "the general opinion entertained by friend and foe of Swift's political importance, but also that his private habits of economy and modes of disposing of his time, were become matter of attention to his enemies." The first of these pamphlets was entitled: "An Hue and Cry after Dean