CHAPTER IX.

The House of Representatives at Washington-Lobby Members-Wholesale Corruption of the Legislature of the young Western State of Wisconsin-Angry Correspondence between General Scott and Jeff.

Davis.

THE members of Congress draw lots for their seats, each place in the hall having a chair and desk, which are numbered. Now, Americans have a fondness for trading in any way: even the Southerners are more apt at it than Europeans; but Yankees especially are fond of a "swap," always expecting and generally contriving to make a little. For indulging in this penchant, members of Congress have been very sharply taken to task. One paper, an unsophisticated Providence Journal, mentioned, but could hardly believe, that some members, having drawn eligible seats, had sold them, and taken others in the outer circle. A New York journalist was amazed at the greenness of its contemporary, and informed it that M.C.'s sold the books, stationery, sealing-wax, franks-and also some the votes, to which they were entitled.

At this time corruption in Congress was freely talked about. One paper denied the astonishing stories, admitting that there were some piratical M.C.'s who demanded tribute from those interested in certain measures, under

pain of impeding their progress. Woman, too, it was said, and I believe truly, used her sweet influences in the lobby. "The lobby" is a general term for the persons who by any means make it their business to study the composition of the house, get acquainted with members, and contrive to influence their votes; it also comprises those who are looking after the progress of some particular matter—a land scheme, a patent, a railway-in which they are interested. Fancy a handsome, accomplished, fashionable woman using her influence with some poor briefless lawyer: how could his public virtue fail to surrender?

Though there are many men in Congress and in State legislatures poor enough, it must not be supposed that a plain, honest, respectable, industrious man of the poorer classes, a journeyman mechanic, or a hard-working farmer, much less a labourer, has any better chance of going to Washington than similar persons have of being sent to the House of Commons. Whatever a man is, he must first work his way into the class of politicians; by doing which his interests, associations, feelings, and views are changed for those of the professional politician. There are exceptions to this rule, of course, as in the case of General Taylor, who was in no degree a professional politician; but the fame and popularity he gained by his victories over the Mexicans made him the most available man for the Whig party's National Convention to bring forward as their candidate.

When allusions have been made to corrupt practices in Congress, many have been loudly indignant at such

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charges. But a venerable member rose in his place and stated that he himself had been approached with the offer of a bribe of 1,500 dollars on behalf of a pending measure. The House of Representatives appointed a committee to investigate these allegations of corruption. One witness said he knew of a case in which a member agreed to get a bill through the House for a certain sum; and that the contract was entered into in his presence, between the M.C. and the gentleman who wanted the bill. The bribe appears to have been 14,500 dollars, which, perhaps, was shared among several. On being examined, the person charged with bribery denied having made any improper offers; but he said, "I suppose there is nobody who knows anything of the organization of Congress who expects to carry anything through it merely from love of justice "— "that is the general reputation of Congress.'

A bill for a western navigation and railroad company being before the House, the President received a communication from "O. B. M.," to the effect that the House Committee had agreed to report favourably on the proposal to let the company have 272,000 acres, but that there was trouble in the way, that outsiders made mischief; and the writer asked-Was the President willing to have onefourth (of the land, as I understand) cut up and used to carry it through? Another witness, of the highest character, stated that "O. B. M." told him there were some twenty members of the House pledged to each other not to vote for any grant of money or land unless they were paid for it; and that the president of the company must have 100,000 dollars in Washington to carry the bill. The witness advised that the improvement should be

suffered to sink rather than be accomplished by such means. One person, it was said, acknowledged having received seven square miles of land and some stock for his efforts in getting this bill passed.

With regard to these exposures of corruption at the very heart and brain of the Union, it was objected that only Republicans had been inculpated; and also that if the four actually accused were guilty, they were merely the least adroit among a large number of shrewder corruptionists. The committee ended by recommending the expulsion of four members from the House. The inquiry was prosecuted with very little zeal. The corrupt members were none of them from the South. They demanded a trial at the bar of the House, which was refused. Some thought they were mere scapegoats. The investigation caused very little excitement, surprise, or indignation in the public mind. People of information knew that what was proved and exposed was but a small part of what could have been brought to light. And of those best able to make a stir about the matter-the professional politicians-many felt like those Jews who had brought before Christ the woman taken in adultery.

Some time before this investigation took place a New York journal remarked that the decadence of America since the retirement of General Jackson had been more rapid, and should be more startling, than that of any other State that ever existed.

Consider the single point of expenditure. Under Adams it was thirteen millions; under Pierce it is nearly eighty millions. Is this natural? Can it be explained in any other way than by admitting an unparalleled growth of corruption? For the advan

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tage of partisan contractors, and to reward partisan services, large bodies of troops have been transported considerable distances at a greater cost for each than would be sufficient for the performance of the same journey by the most opulent and luxurious private gentlemen. Wood has been bought by the cord for the use of the army, in the midst of the largest and richest forests on the continent, for twice as much as it would bring in the city of New York.

There was nowhere any authority sufficiently strong, independent, and interested, to check, to investigate, and punish the wide-spread corruption. The disease was only curable by a dissolution of the Union, if by that.

A leading Boston journal thus speaks of the United States Senate:

The meanest legislative body on the face of the earth—and it would be difficult to find a meaner one even under the earthis the United States Senate. It has no claim to the commonest kind of common honesty, so far as the majority of its members are concerned, and that majority is sufficiently large to give tone and character to the whole assembly. The Senate once was a high-minded body. There was occasionally a display of temper in it; there is not much more violence among senators now than there used to be. The Senate's changes have not been in the direction of violence, but have taken the form and shape of the foulest meanness and the rankest knavery.

I do not indorse all this; yet very few journals could consistently deny or much modify it.

The United States' Supreme Court is sometimes spoken of as the last refuge and as the yet impregnable citadel of justice, which even the right-divine of a majority assails in vain; yet so far as the press is evidence, I could bring forward only too many testimonies that it also obeys