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ALETHES.

I owe you many thanks for your delineation of Becket's character. There are points on which we should differ, but not materially; and others, as you said, will do the like. As regards the tinge of his character, however, derived from the study of the Decretals, I am quite at one with you. Refresh my memory, will you, as to the date of Gratian and their publication?

EUBULUS.

I cannot do better than read to you what Blackstone says in his "Commentaries:" "The canon law is a body of Roman ecclesiastical law, relative to such matters as that Church either has, or pretends to have, the proper jurisdiction over. This is compiled from the opinions of the ancient Latin fathers, the decrees of general councils, and the decretal epistles and bulls of the Holy See. All which lay in the same disorder and confusion as the Roman civil law: till about the year 1151, one Gratian, an Italian monk, animated by the discovery of Justinian's Pandects," (at Amalfi, about 1130,) "reduced the ecclesiastical constitutions also into some method, in three books; which he entitled Concordia Discordantium Canonum, but which are generally known by the name of Decretum Gratiani. These reached as low as the time of Pope Alexander III. The subsequent Papal decrees, to the Pontificate of Gregory IX., were published in much the same method, under the auspices of that Pope, about the year 1230, in five books, entitled Decretalia Gregorii Noni. A sixth book was added by Boniface VIII., about the year 1298, which is called Sextus Decretalium. The Clementine Constitutions, or decrees of Clement V., were in like manner authenticated in 1317, by his successor, John XXII.; who also published twenty Constitutions of his own, called the Extravagantes Joannis: all which in some measure answer to the novels of the civil law. To these have been since added some decrees of later Popes, in five books, called Extravagantes Communes. And all these together, Gratian's decree, Gregory's decretals, the sixth decretal, the Clementine constitutions, and the extravagants of John and his successors, form the Corpus Juris Canonici, or body of the Roman canon law 3."

3 Blackstone's Com., vol. i. p. 75. Ed. Chitty.

ALETHES.

Clear and satisfactory. What historical recollections arise in one's mind, Eubulus, at the mention of Amalfi! Not only were the Pandects found there, but, as Gibbon tells, "the discovery of the compass, which has opened the globe, is due to their ingenuity or good fortune"." In William of Apulia's words,

"Hâc plurimus urbe moratur

Nauta maris cœlique vias aperire peritus."

EUBULUS.

In her palmy days, fifty thousand citizens dwelt within her walls. You will not forget the pretty poem of Amalfi, in Rogers's "Italy."

"The time has been

When on the quays along the Syrian coast,
'Twas asked and eagerly, at break of dawn,
'What ships are from Amalfi?' when her coins
Silver and gold, circled from clime to clime;
From Alexandria southward to Sennaar,
And eastward, thro' Damascus and Cabul,
And Samarcand, to thy great wall, Cathay!"

ALETHES.

In her prosperity she built and endowed churches in the East, and by her merchants was founded the military order of St. John of Jerusalem. Such things are not lightly forgotten. Had we done what Amalfi did, Eubulus, the burden of our sin were not so heavy. But as a great mercantile nation we have left undone what we ought to have done, and we have much to answer for. But does not Rogers allude to the Hospital of St. John?

EUBULUS.

He does, and the passage is evidently written con amore. will recite it to you.

"Then in Palestine,

By the way side, in sober grandeur stood

I

seven

4 See Gibbon's "Decline and Fall," vol. x. p. 276. Ed. Milman. It was 66 miles to the west of Salerno, and thirty to the south of Naples." It enjoyed a prosperity of three hundred years, before it was " oppressed by the arms of the Normans, and sacked by the jealousy of Pisa."-See also Hallam, Hist. of Middle Ages, iii. 390. 394.

A Hospital, that, night and day, received

The pilgrims of the West; and, when 'twas asked
'Who are the noble founders?' every tongue
At once replied, 'The merchants of Amalfi !'
That Hospital, when Godfrey scaled the walls,
Sent forth its holy men in complete steel;
And hence, the cowl relinquish'd for the helm,
That chosen band, valiant, invincible,

So long renown'd as champions of the Cross,
In Rhodes, in Malta."

ALETHES.

But we are wandering from our subject, and there is a question I wish to ask, relative to Gratian, before we return to Becket. On turning to Hoffman's "Lexicon Univers." I found there, Gratianus, Monachus Bononiensis, Petri Lombardi sententiarum magistri frater. If this be true, it is a remarkable fact I was not aware of.

EUBULUS.

There are few more useful books to a scholar than Hoffman, but like other great books it contains great mistakes. The present is one of the lesser ones. A mistake it is, nevertheless. Miræus, in his Scholia on Henricus Gandavensis, mentions Gratian as Petro Lombardo coavus, but he presently adds, Falluntur tamen, qui Gratianum, Petrum Lombardum, et Petrum Comestorem germanos fratres fuisse asserunt. I was led to examine the matter from having myself found the statement you allude to.

ALETHES.

Those faithful friends, your books, you have made good use of. It is seldom I ask for information without receiving it. But to return to Becket. Little, it seems, was after all gained by the contest. There was a time, however, whilst it was going on, when Henry might have dictated terms to the Roman See, and I have often thought that King John's words to Pandulph might have been used with effect by his father:

"What earthly name to interrogatories

Can task the free breath of a sacred king?

5 The passage will be found in Fabricii Bibliotheca Ecclesiastica, p. 123.

Thou canst not, Cardinal, devise a name
So slight, unworthy, and ridiculous,

To charge me to an answer, as the Pope.

Tell him this tale; and from the mouth of England

Add thus much more,-That no Italian priest

Shall tithe or toll in our dominions;

But as we under heaven are supreme head,
So, under him, that great supremacy,
Where we do reign, we will alone uphold
Without the assistance of a mortal hand:
So tell the Pope; all reverence set apart
To him, and his usurp'd authority "."

EUBULUS.

Henry might have said it with a better grace than his unworthy son, but I do not think that he would have said it. The truth is, we can scarcely at this day understand the spell which wrought so effectually, and maintained the power of the Hierarchy. From this, Henry was not emancipated. He was within the magic circle. And, to say the truth, superstition is at any time better than atheism. I make no doubt the Papacy, at different times, wrought a good work. Opposed as I am thoroughly and entirely to the spirit of Romanism, I must in justice allow this. Many dark places of the earth, full of cruelty, were humanized by its influence. But, when it exceeded, it fell. I would apply to the idolatries of Rome that verse of the Prophet: When Ephraim spake trembling, he exalted himself in Israel; but when he offended in Baal, he died". But to answer your question. Little does seem to have been gained on the present occasion.

ALETHES.

If I recollect well, the terms of agreement and reconciliation were settled at the convent of Savigni, near Avranches, the Sunday before Ascension-day, 1172. Albert and Theodine were the Pope's legates, and the negotiation was effected-was it not? -by the intervention of the Bishop of Lisieux. As you have Lyttelton at hand, I wish you would read me the articles.

EUBULUS.

They are as follows: "1. That in the course of the next 6 King John, Act iii. Sc. i. 7 Hosea xiii. 1.

twelvemonth from the approaching feast of Pentecost, the King should give so much money as the Knights Templars should deem sufficient to maintain two hundred knights for the defence of the Holy Land during the term of one year. But that, from the next Christmas-day, he should take the cross himself for the term of three years, and the following summer go in person to the Holy Land, unless the obligation were dispensed with by Pope Alexander himself, or his Catholic successors. Nevertheless, if, from the pressing necessity of the Christians in Spain, he should go thither to make war against the Saracens, he might in that case defer his journey to Jerusalem, for so much time as he should spend in such an expedition. 2. That he neither should hinder himself, nor suffer others to hinder, appeals from being made freely, with good faith, and without fraud and evil intention, in ecclesiastical causes to the Roman Pontiff; so that they may be tried and determined according to his judgment. Yet with a proviso, that if any appellants were suspected by the King, they should give him security, that they would not attempt any thing to the prejudice of him or his kingdom. 3. That he should absolutely give up those constitutions or customs which had been introduced in his time against the Church of his kingdom. 4. That if any lands had been taken from the See of Canterbury, he should fully restore them, as they were held by that see a year before Archbishop Becket went out of England. 5. That to all the clergy and laity of either sex, who had been deprived of their possessions on the account of that prelate, he should likewise restore those possessions with his peace and favour." Such were the articles, and to these Henry and his son swore to accede, as well as to adhere to Alexander so long as he should treat them like Christian and Catholic Kings.

ALETHES.

Certainly, it would seem from these articles that Henry gave up all he had been contending for.

EUBULUS.

So, at first sight, one is apt to conclude. But it is difficult to judge accurately of matters which have happened long ago.

8 Lyttelton, vol. iii. p. 96.

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