tion, if their freeholds yield a certain annual income. Many of the inhabitants have a choice in the election of members, in one place or another. The general interefts of the freeholders and tenants, electors and nonelectors, are fo interwoven, that all are liable to be equally affected by the fame common taxes. The one

pays the fame duty on his fugar, tea, coffee, and chocolate, as the other. The relative connection between them, produces what may be called, with a kind of propriety, a virtual reprefentation; answering, though in a lower degree, to what the family of a freeholder or freeman enjoys. But was all the foil in the British colonies a man's freehold, it would not give him a fingle vote for any one member of parliament. There is not an individual in them, who fhould he cross the Atlantic, would have a right to vote in any election, by virtue of any privileges enjoyed in America. He must be a freeholder of Britain, or a freeman of fome British city, borough, or corporation, and have a British qualification, before he can elect or be elected. The interefts of America and Britain are not interwoven, as are thofe of British electors and non-electors. If the British parliament impose taxes on the Americans, Britons do not bear with them, their part and proportion in the faid The former are burdened, that the latter may be eased. The monies raised have the nature of a tribute, exacted from a conquered people in a slavish dependence; and not of a tax voluntarily granted by the voice of freemen, through their own elected reprefentatives, paying scot and lot with themselves for the fupport of government. Befide, the British parliament are fo far removed from America, that they cannot obtain

taxes.

that full information refpecting the colonies, which ought alway to accompany the exercife of a taxing power.

When the question upon the bill, in its last stage, was brought to a vote, there were about 250 for, and 50 against it. In the houfe of lords, fo ftrong was the unanimity, that there was not a fingle fyllable uttered Mar, against the bill; and on the twenty-fecond of March, it 22. obtained the royal affent. The night after it was paffed, Dr. Franklin wrote to Mr. Charles Thomson*, "the fun of liberty is fet; you muft light up the candles of induftry and œconomy." Mr. Thomfen anfwered, he was apprehenfive that other lights would be the confequence, and predicted the oppofition that followed.

The framers of the stamp-act flattered themselves, that the confufion which would arise upon the difuse of writings, would compel the colonies to use the stamppaper, and therefore to pay the taxes impofed. Thus they were led to pronounce it, a law which would execute itself. Mr. Grenville however appears to have been apprehensive, that it might occafion disorders; to prevent or fupprefs which, he projected another bill, which was brought in the fame feffion, whereby it was to be made lawful for military officers in the colonies, to quarter their foldiers in private houses. This feemed intended to awe the people into a compliance with the other act. Great oppofition being made to it, as under fuch a power in the army, no one could look on his house as his own, that part of the bill was dropt; but there ftill remained a claufe, when it paffed into a law, to oblige the feveral affemblies to provide quarters for the foldiers, and to furnish them with firing, bedding, candles, fmall beer, rum, and fundry other articles, at Since the fecretary of Congrefs.

the

the expence of the several provinces; which continued in force when the ftamp-act was repealed. It equally militated with the other against the American principle, That money is not to be raised on English fubjects without their confent.

Whatever might be urged, government was under no neceffity of adopting the mode of taxing the colonies, for their defence and the fecuring of the new ceded countries. Though after the general peace, an Indian war might be continued or renewed, that was no reason for continuing British forces in America. The colonists were better able to deal with them than the regulars, The new ceded countries required no great number of troops to fecure them. The colonies were at hand to support the British garrifons in cafe affiftance was wanted; and they had repeatedly showed their readiness upon former occafions. The idea of a dangerous enemy upon the American continent was at an end: and the British administration must have been inexcufable, had they not guarded against the transferring of one from Europe. It was become futile to exclaim-" Shall it depend upon the refolutions of a Philadelphia affembly, whether our fellow fubjects fhall arm in defence of liberty and property? Does the fate of a whole continent bear any proportion to an almost imperceptible encroachment upon the important privilege of an American, deliberating for a year or two, whether he will pay fix-pence in the pound to fave himself and family from perdition?” The danger of perdition was a mere bugbear, which might frighten the ignorant into an apprehenfion, that it was abfolutely neceffary to maintain an army in America, for the expence of which the colonies fhould be

M 3

made

made to answer: but the Americans knew better than to ftartle at the fpectre. Had no more troops been ftationed upon the American continent than circumftances called for, the miniftry might have obtained all the aids it was reasonable for the colonies to have given, by the old mode of requifition. From the time that they were first confidered as capable of granting aids, the conftant mode of obtaining them, was by requifition from the crown, through the governors to the feveral affemblies and the minifters, from Charles II. to the prefent king, moft effectually recognised the diftinction between parliamentary fuperintendence and taxation, in their requifitions to the colonies to raife men and money by acts of affembly. Had this happy method been continued, all the money that could have been justly expected from them in any manner, might have been procured without the leaft breach of that harmony, which fo long fubfifted between the colonies and the mother country and it was not acting wifely to thwart unneceffarily the prejudices of the Americans. But the impofition of taxes upon them might be introductory to, or a part of the plan for overturning their civil and religious liberties, alluded to by the Rev. Mr. Whitefield, before even the fugar-act had paffed.

The ftamp-act having paffed, the colony agents waited upon Mr. Wheatley by defire, who told them," that Mr. Grenville did not think of fending from Great Britain ftamp officers, but wifhed to have difcreet and refpectable perfons appointed from among the inhabitants; and that he would be obliged to them to point out to him fuch perfons. Thus the agents were drawn in to nominate. Dr. Franklin recommended Mr. Hughes

to

1

to be chief diftributor of ftamps in Pennfylvania, and Mr. Cox in the Jerseys; and being confulted by Mr. Ingerfoll, advised him to accept, adding, go home and tell your countrymen to get children as fast as they can—thereby intimating his opinion of the oppreffion the colonists were under, and of their present inability to make effec-· tual refiftance; but that they ought, when fufficiently numerous, to shake off the yoke and recover their li berty. It is apparent from the recommendations, and the appointments made in confequence of the nominations, that the agents were far from thinking, that such disturbances would have been occafioned by the ftampact, or they would have spared their friends. They certainly expected the act would have gone down, and the ftamp-papers have been used. But it was the reverse.

A general difcontent through the Massachusetts difcovered itself immediately on the firft advice of the act's having paffed; but there was no other expectation among the bulk of the people, than that the act would be submitted to, and the duty paid; and several who afterward oppofed it violently, made intereft with the diftributor, that they or their friends might obtain appoint→ ments. The newspapers indeed, groaned for the lofs of liberty; however, nothing extravagant appeared in them but the friends to the claims of the colonies, pleased with colonel Barre's speech, and what he had pronounced the Americans, affumed to themselves the title of SONS OF LIBERTY.

In Connecticut, the inhabitants were quite inattentive to the fatal confequences that the act might draw after it in some distant period. The judges themselves, seve ral of whom were of the council, appeared perfectly