"Oh! den it ist meant to divite broperty in dis coontry; und to say no man might haf more ast anudder?'

"Folks don't go quite as far that, yet; though some of their talk does squint that-a-way, I must own Now, there are folks about here that complain that old Madam Littlepage and her young ladies don't visit the poor.'

"Vell, if deys be hard-hearted, und hast no feelin's for der poor and miseraple-'

"No, no; that is not what I mean, neither. As for that sort of poor, everybody allows they do more for them than anybody else about here. But they don't visit the poor that isn't in want.'

"Vell, it ist a ferry coomfortable sort of poor dat ist not in any vant. Berhaps you mean dey don't associate wid 'em as equals?' ""That's it."

FEUDAL PRIVILEGES.

"Then the cry is raised of feudal privileges, because some of the Rensselear tenants are obliged to find so many days' work with their teams, or substitutes, to the landlord, and even because they have to pay annually a pair of fat fowls! We have seen enough of America, Hugh, to know that most husbandmen would be delighted to have the privilege of paying their debts in chickens and work, instead of in money, which renders the cry only so much the more wicked. But what is there more feudal in a tenant's thus paying his landlord, than in a butscher's contracting to furnish so much meat for a series of years, or a mail contractor's agreeing to carry the mail in a four-horse coach for a term of years, eh? No one objects to the rent in wheat, and why should they object to the rent in chickens? Is it because our republican farmers have got to be so aristocratic themselves, that they do not like to be thought poulterers? This is being aristocratre on the other side. These dignitaries should remember that if it be plebeian to furnish fowls, it is plebeian to receive them; and if the tenant has to find an individual who has to submit to the degradation of tendering a pair of fat fowls, the landlord has to find an individual who has to submit to the degradation of taking them, and of putting them away in the larder. It seems to me that one is an offset to the other.""

HARDSHIP OF LONG LEASES.

"The longer a lease is, other things being equal, the better it is for the tenant, all the world over. Let us suppose two farms, the the one leased for five years, and the other for ever: Which tenant is most independent of the political influence of his landlord, to say nothing of the impossibility of controling votes in this way in America, from a variety of causes? Certainly, he who has a lease for

ever. He is just as independent of his landlord, as his landlord can be of him, with the exception that he has rent to pay. In the latter case, he is precisely like any other debtor-like the poor man who contracts debts with the same storekeeper for a series of years. As for the possession of the farm, which we are to suppose is a desirable thing for the tenant, he of the long lease is clearly most independent, since the other may be ejected at the end of each five years. Nor is there the least difference as to acquiring the property in fee, since the landlord may sell equally in either case, if so disposed; and if not disposed, no honest man, under any system, ought to do anything to compel him so to do, either directly or indirectly; and no truly honest man would."

RESERVATION OF WOODLANDS.

"This wood, exceeding a thousand acres in extent, stretched down from the hills along some broken and otherwise little valuable land, and had been reserved from the axe to meet the wants of some future day. It was mine, therefore. in the fullest sense of the word; and singular as it may seem, one of the grounds of accusation brought against me and my predecessors was that we had declined leasing it! Thus, on the one hand, we were abused for having leased our land, and, on the other, for not having leased it. The fact is, we, in common with other extensive landlords, are expected to use our property as much as possible for the particular benefit of other people, while those other people are expected to use their property as much as possible for their own particular benefit"

PLEA OF IGNORANCE.

(Loquitur an English servant.)

"What is it you wants, I says to him? you can't all be landlords-somebody must be tenants; and if you didn't want to be tenants, how come you to be so? Land is plenty in this country' and cheap too; and why didn't you buy your land at first, instead of coming to rent of Mr. Hugh; and now when you have rented, to be quarreling about the very thing you did of your own accord?

"Dere you didst dell 'em a goot t'ing; and vhat might der 'Squire say to dat?'

"Oh! he was quite dumb-founded, at first; then he said that in old times, when people first rented these lands, they didn't know as much as they do now, or they never would have done it.'

"Und you could answer dat; or vast it your durn to be dumfounded?"

"I pitched it into him, as they says; I did. Says I, how's this, says I-you are for ever boasting how much you Americans know-and how the people knows everything that ought to be done about politics and religion-and you proclaim far and near that your

yeomen are the salt of the earth-and yet you don't know how to bargain for your leases !'"

THE DEMAGOGUE THE COURTIER'S COUNTERPART

"Although there was a good deal of the English footmann in John's logic and feeling, there was also a good deal of truth in what he said. The part where he accused Newcome of holding one set of opinions in private, concerning his masters, and another in public, is true to the life. There is not, at this moment, within the wide reach of the American borders, one demagogue to be found who might not, with justice, be accused of precisely the same deception. There is not one demagogue in the whole country, who, if he lived in a monarchy, would not be the humblest advocate of men in power, ready to kneel at the feet of those who stood in the sovereign's presence."

"True to the life" indeed! It is old Aristotle over again. The Stagyrite has a passage worth referring to in this connection:

"Another form of Democracy is where all citizens are eligible to office, as in the former instance, but the multitude is supreme, instead of the law; and this is the case when the people's resolutions (τὰ ψηφίσματα) are valid, but the law is not. This is brought about by demagogues; for in republics administered according to law, a demagogue finds no place, since the best citizens have the preeminence; but demagogues spring up where the laws are not valid. For there the people becomes a monarch-one tyrant composed of many. Such a people, then, being virtually a king, seeks to play the king, as it is not controlled by law, and becomes depotic, so that flatterers are in repute; and this form among popular governments is analogous to tyranny among monarchies. Wherefore, also, their disposition is the same, and both are wont to tyrannize over the better class, and the resolutions of the one answer to the ukases (τὰ ἐπιτάγματα) of the other, and the demagogue and courtier are equivalent, and each other's counterpart.”—POLITICS, Book 4, Chap. 4.

ONE LAW FOR THE RICH AND ANOTHER FOR THE POOR.

"There is a landlord in this State, a man of large means, who became liable for the debts of another to a considerable amount. At the very moment when his rents could not be collected, owing to your interference and the remissness of those in authority to enforce the laws, the sheriff entered his honse, and sold its contents, in order to satisfy an execution against him! There is American aristocracy for you, and I am sorry to add American justice, as justice has got to be administered among us."

A POPULAR SYLLOGISM.

"Let the people but truly rule, have no temptation to do wrong.

(From an Anti-Rent Lecture.)
and all must come well. The people
If they hurt the state they hurt

themselves, for they are the state Is a man likely to hurt himself? Equality is my axiom."

SLUMBERING OVER A VOLCANO.

"Look at the newspapers that will be put into your hands tomorrow morning, fresh from Wall and Pine and Ann streets. They will be in convulsions, if some unfortunate wight of a Senator speak of adding an extra corporal to a regiment of foot, as an alarming war-demonstration, or quote the fall of a fancy stock that has not one cent of intrinsic value, as if it betokened the downfall of a nation; while they doze over this volcano, which is raging and gathering strength beneath the whole community, menacing destruction to the nation itself, which is the father of stocks."

MR. COOPER'S OPINION OF THAT ATROCIUS

PRIVILEGIUM CALLED,

WITH EXQUISITE IRONY, "AN ACT TO EQUALIZE TAXATION.” "We deem the first of these measures far more tyrannical than the attempt of Great Britain to tax her colonies, which brought about the Revolution. It is of the same general character-that or unjust taxation; while it is attended by circumstances of aggravation that were altogether wanting in the policy of the mother country. This is not a tax for revenue, which is not needed; but a tax to 'choke off the landlords, to use a common American phrase. It is clearly taxing nothing, or it is taxing the same property twice. It is done to conciliate three or four thousand voters, who are now in the market, at the expense of three or four hundred who, it is known, are not to be bought. It is unjust in its motives, its means and its end. The measure is discreditable to civilization, and an outrage on liberty."

A NUT FOR THE ADVOCATES OF CONCESSION.

"That profound principle of legislation, which concedes the right in order to maintain quiet, is admirably adapted to forming sinners; and, if carried out in favor of all who may happen to covet their neighbors' goods, would, in a short time render this community the very paradise of knaves."

A MAKE-BELIEVE GOVERNMENT WORSE THAN NONE.

"Manytongues took charge of the watch, though he laughed at the probability of there being any farther disturbance that night.

"As for the red-skins,' he said, 'they would as soon sleep out under the trees, at this season of the year, as sleep under a roof; and as for waking-cats a'nt their equals. No-no-Colonel; leave it all to me, and I'il carry you through the night as quietly as if we were on the prer-ies, and living under good wholesome prer-ie law.'

"As quietly as if we were on the prairies !' We had then reached that pass in New-York, that after one burning, a citizen might really hope to pass the remainder of his night as quietly as if he were on the prairies! And there was that frothy, lumbering, useless machine, called a government, at Albany, within fifty miles of us, as placid, as self-satisfied, as much convinced that this was the greatest people on earth, and itself their illustrious representatives, as if the disturbed counties were so many gardens of Eden, before sin and transgression had become known to it! If it was doing anything in the premises, it was probably calculating the minimum the tenant should pay for the landlord's land, when the latter might be sufficiently worried to part with his estate. Perhaps it was illustrating its notions of liberty, by naming the precise sum that one citizen ought to accept, in order that the covetous longings of another should be satisfied!'"

WHAT IT'S COMING TO.

"I agree with you, Hugh,' said my uncle, in reply to a remark of my own; 'there is little use in making ourselves unhappy about evils that we cannot help. If we are to be burnt up and stripped of our property, we shall be burnt up and stripped of our property. I have a competency secured in Europe, and we can all live on that, with economy, should the worst come to the worst.'

"It is as strange thing, to hear an American talk of seeking a refuge of any sort in the old world!'

"If matters proceed in the lively manner they have for the last ten years, you'll hear of it often. Hitherto, the rich of Europe have been in then habit of laying by a penny in America against an evil day; but the time will soon come, unless there is a great change, when the rich of America will return the compliment in kind. We are worse off than if we were in a state of nature, in many respects; having our hands tied by the responsibility that belongs to our position and means, while those who choose to assail us are under a mere nominal restraint.""

Cooper's Receipt for Anti-Rentism is, in substance simply to disfranchise those counties which resist the operation of law. When will our rul-our servants, we mean, be men enough to use so efficacious a remedy?

But our limits compel us to take leave for the present of this most valuable book. We say for the present, for its themes are too momentous to be disposed of so briefly. But one thing we must say in conclusion. The parts of this work which might seem, to the inexperienced reader, the wildest, such as the hints at