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have not only characters well described, but those characters are active throughout. The situations and conduct of the parties are diversified : but we have to add, which indeed is a fault common to the generality of these compositions, that they are, in many reSpects, improbable, and unnatural. Art. 38. Eugenia and Adelaide. 12mo. 2 Vols.

sewed. Dilly. 1791. The triling distinctions observable in these compositions of love and the vicissitudes of its success, often prevent us from discrimi. nating the merits of one from another; so that they might be bundled up by the dozen, under a general description. All that the present instance demands, is an acknowlegement that it is not one of the worst.

MEDICINE. Art. 39. An Analysis of the Medicinal Waters of Tunbridge Wells. Svo. PP: 31:

15. Murray. 1792. This analysis was undertaken in consequence of one of the springs at Tunbridge Wells having been covered ; and the question to be decided was, whether this circumstance had, in any respect, altered the qualities of the water? It is determined, that the only advantage derived to the spring from the cover, is cleanliness; and that the water undergoes no alteration, so long as such covering doos not entirely exclude the external air.—The cover, however, haviog been removed, in compliance with the general opinion, renders the question of no importance: but as the author had entered into an inquiry concerning the component parts of these springs, he was induced to lay before the public the results of his investigation. The contents of a wine gallon of these waters are thus stated :

Cubic inches.
Of Aërial acid,

Phlogisticated air,

4 Common air,


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5. Art. 40. Refietions on Dr. Smith's Practice in Diseases of Debility:

shewing the Propriety of arranging them by their Effects on the Conftitution ; and therefore consistently with the Method of Core. Proposing a Plan of Treatment no less congenial with the Salutary Laws of our economy, and a rational Theory, than in Sanction deficient of Authority and Experience. By a Disciple of Nature. 4to. pp. 71. 35. 6d. Wayland. 1791.

After employing a number of pages in various and desultory refections,- some of which, however, are judicious, and forcibly expreffed, -this disciple of nature ends (Oh molt lame and impotent

conclusion !)

Аа 3

Is. 6d.

conclufion!) by recommending, as a secret, an infallible medicine in diseases of debility, Dr. Smith's tonic remedy ; though he must know that Dr. Smith's remedies were varied according to the varieties of the disorders in which he was consulied; and that his practice and prescriptions were open to any one who chose to examine them. "How the writer can reconcile this kind of imposition to his conscience, we know not; unless he resorts to the excuse which was pleaded by the apothecary who fold poison to Romeo.

SCHOOL-BOOKS. Art. 41. A System of French Accidence and Syntax, intended as an

Illustration, Correction, and linprovement of the Principles laid down by Chambaud on those Subjects, in his Grammar. By the Rev. Mr. Holder of Barbadoes. Third Edition ; with Notes by

G. Satis. 8vo. pp. 420. 48. bound. Dilly. 1791. Art. 42. Clasical Exercises upon the Rules laid down in Holder's Cham

baud's French Grammar. By G. Satis. 8vo. pp. 104.

bound. Dilly. 1792. Art. 43. Claffical Exercises upon the Rules of the French Syntax, with References to Holder's Chambaud's Grammar.

By G. Satis. 8vo. pp. 200. 25. 6d. bound. Dilly. 1792. Art. 44. The Guide to Satis's Clofical Exercises on the Rules of French

Syntax By G. Satis. 8vo. pp. 122. is.6d. bound. Diliy. 1792.

Thele four books fall properly under one article: we have therefore claffed them toge: her. The first of them has already obtained a tribute of commendation in our Review for March 1783, vol. Ixviii. p. 281. 10 which we refer the reader. The third edition receives farther notes from Mr. Satis, who had himself been engaged in a pursuit of the like kind before Mr. Holder's System made its appearance. To this work, the three, which follow, entirely relate: They are intended to agiit the scholar in its use, and to enable him to employ it in the most intelligible and beneficial manner. Mr. Satis muit have bestowed considerable attention, as well as much time, on these little volumes; in which he offers exercises ada pred to the different parts of the grammars, and accompanies them with farther references to the proper word in the dictionary, by which last we find he means Nugene's Pocket-dictionary, the fifth and fixth editions. The two books of classical exercises are in other respects the same, but this great distinction runs throughout, viz. that the Járger of the two contains every minute reference, whereas the smaller has only those of a more general kind; and they are published in this manner, that the preceptor and the scholar may make choice of thac which seems most likely to facilitate and promote their purpose. - It is probable that if the learner has resolution to pursue at. ientively the plan here laid down, he will find ic beneficial, and indeel entertaining, even though at first it should prove fomewhat isklome — The other book, called the Guide, gives most, or all, of the different paliages beforementioned, in their more perfect form, French and English ; and whereas the Exercises finish with nouns of number, the featences here colle&ted proceed to verbs and


part, and

carry on

Art. 45.

I s. 6 d.

brett. 1792.

adverbs.--Mr. Satis informs the public, that, should his plan be apuroved, he will immediately publith the other the exercises throughour verbs, adverbs, prepositions, and conjunctions. - He is anxious left any read-r should mistake or not under. fand his scheme, and recommends such persons to call on him at No 6 Clifford's Inn, on Tuesdays, Thursdays, or Saturdays, between fix and eight o'clock in the evening, for farther explanation. -He also invises and entrea:s those who are unacquainted with the French language, to point out his errors, or to afford him any remarks which may affilt the improvement of his work.

POLITICS and POLICE. An Address from the General Committee of Roman Catholics, to their Protestant Fellow Subjects, and to the Public in general, respecting the Calum nies and Misrepresentations now so induftri. oudly circulared with regard to their Principles and Conduct. To which is added, the Oath taken by the Catholics of this Kingdom, and che Opinion of foreign Colleges respecting certain Tenets impured to Roman Catholics. 8vo. PP. 45.

DeReports having been circulated, that the late application of the Roman Catholics in Ireland, for relief, extends to unlimited and total emancipation, it is here declared, in resolutions from their General Comittee, that the whole of their late applications to the LogiQasure, and their intended Petition, extend no farther than to the following objects : admission to the prof-ffion and practice of the law; capacity to serve in country magistracies; a right to be fummoned and to serve on grand and petty juries; and the right of voting, in counties only, for Protestant members of parliament; in such a manner, however, as that a Roman Catholic freeholder should not vote unless he either rented and cultivated a farm of twenty pounds per annum, in addition to his freehold of forty shillings, or posferred a freehold to the annual amount of twenty pounds.

For the full refutation of the evil reports and calumnies which have been circulated against them, this Address is published by order and in the name of the General Committee. To the charge, that the Committee, and all the Roman Catholics, who stood forth on this occasion, are unlettered, poor, mechanical, members of their persualion ; it is replied, that the names and characters of the persons who have signed Resolutions in favour of the General Committee, are of the first respectabilicy, in every class and every line which the law has left open to them. In reply to the representation, that they have no itake in the prosperity of their country, and nothing to hazard in the evil of public calamity; it is asserted, that the property of those who have signed resolutions in their fac vour, cannot be estimated at less than ten millions sterling. The accufation, that they are turbulent and feditious, and have formed regular plans for the intimidation of parliament, is denied, and their opponents (among whom are bodies of addressers, represented to be the Roman Catholic landed interest, with Lord Kenmare at their head,) are required to convi&t them of a single unconftitutional proceeding: Aa 4

! We

• We confess, that we are at a loss to divine on what facts this alarm and outcry of intimidation can be founded. We have done nothing. No Roman Catholic has done, or proposes to do any thing, but to make an exposition of his true licuation to the humanity, to the justice, to the judgment of our fellow-fubjects, of our sovereign and his parliament. Is chis intimidation? Is it fedition or commotion, direct or indirect? On what principle is ic pretended ? Mult we lock up our sorrows in our hearts; and are we alone denied the free unrestrained indulgence of complaint-the consolation of wretchedness, and the privilege of Navery itself? Are we not to argue, are we not even to state our case? Are our grievances of a kind, or is our relation to the laws of our country such, that to dilate on their tendency and operation would harrow up the soul of man, and set in action all the secret springs and seeds of insurrection ? And is the lot of our people so bad, is their comparative condition so wholly desolate, that to direct their attention to the enjoyments of their countrymen and fellow-subjects, and to suggest the poffeflion of similar advantages, is to kindle in their breafts the fire of an unextinguishable ambition ? Alas! we are afraid it is almoit too isue. We do, indeed, labour under legal incapacities, infinite in number, and boundless in extent. They wring us in a thousand places, and in a thousand shapes. This mass of unwieldy and severe exclusion is supported by prejudices, roo:ed in antiquity, hereditary and transmissive, engrained by education, and confirmed by habit. What are we to do? We know that God has given lamentation to woe, solicitation to desire, importunity to want, images of distress to affect the feelings, and argument to conquer prejudice. These are the instincts of nature, the armory of our hearts, to defend and to relieve us from oppression. · And Mall we not use them? If this is sedition, if it is fedition to address ourselves to the sensibility, to the justice, to the patriotism, 10 the honour, to the gratitude, to the interests of our countrymen; if it is fedition to indicate the points in which we are more peculiarly galled by the pressure of unequal laws; to few that our excommunication from the liberties of our country taiots the source and impairs the essence of those very liberties ; if to demonstrate that restrictions upon the free use of the property which industry has acquired, and the talents which God has given; to prove that she long catalogue of our disabilities and incapacities are so many clogs, bars and remoras to the course of national prosperity; and, if it is a crime against the State, to make it appear, that the disfranchisement of THREE MILLIONS of the people is a void and hollow charm, which has yawned for a hundred years, and yet yawns at the foot of the throne, and under the foundation of the established church; if to suggest the satural, evident, happy, effectual, safe and universal remedy for all those evils, be to intimidate parliament, we are goilty of the charge. What is worse, we do not know how we shall be able to avoid je in future. It is not in our power not to know, that we are estranged, as it were, and dead to che constitution, It is impor. fible for us not to desire (if not a total emancipation), at least, that a growing principle may be eftablifhed, by which we may once more be gathered into the bofom, and transfused into the circulation of the State. Whatever entreaty, whatever reason, whatever argument can do to effect is, we are bound at least to attempt; we are bound to ourselves, and to our country, to use and to exhauft whatever resources are to be found in the fundamental laws of the land, in the rules of eternal justice, and in the more liberal, but equally cercain sphere of national policy. And where does that growing principle reside ? In the elective franchise (that essence of a free constitution), and in that alone. Any even the minutelt portion of that vivifying principle, that root of freedom, and source of public security, and of personal consequence, -" binding us to our fellow-subjects by mutual interest and mutual affection,” interweaving us in all the concernments of social life, in time must, and alone can, wear out all distinctions, level all inequalities, and uniting the whole people in one bond of common prosperity and reciprocal obligation, cement the fabric both of the Srare and of THE CHURCH. For why should we wish to injure, or why should we not defend a Church, the strength and ornament of that State from which it no longer excludes us?"

more temper,

In pursuit of the conftitutional object of their ambition, they acknowlege that, in a qualified sense, they institute a claim of right; at the same time, they are willing to receive every concellion in their favour, as flowing from the free unconstrained benignity of parliament and their sovereign. The charges which are brought against them, they conceive to have a tendency to alarm the minds of their Protestant fellow-fubjects, and to revive seligious animosity. To prove that they are groundless, they ask,

• Why hould our fellow-subjects view us with scornful and furt picious eyes? We desire them to appeal to the real sentiments of their own hearts, for our true dispositions and principles. If they have seen us in private life, honeit, laborious, peaceable ; faithful to our engagements, and just in our dealings: if they have acted with us upon that assurance, why do they suppose, when we desire to enter into a larger communication of the social benefits, that we are actuated by evil motives? If we have been found true in the routine of ordinary trutts, why should it be supposed that we Thall prove false in that one superiour covenant, by which we all are bound to the state, and under which all the duties and all the engagements of life are comprehended? What they have known us to be, such still we are. We are not conspirators against the Church or State. We do not grudge to Protestants the advantages of conftitutional rights. We desire to partake in them as benefits, in which the acquisition of one man is not the detriment of aaother--free and common benefits. The constitution is large enough for us all. And let it be remembered that we ask the posfellion of nothing, and only a bare capacity to acquire; and that not extending to all things, but limited even in those to which it does extend.'

To this reasonable expoftulation we do not see what can be objected. Indeed the whole appeal is written with so much good sense and

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