Page images
PDF
EPUB

American favages, occafioned this diforder. There were no cannibals on the ifland of Hifpaniola, where it was moft frequent and inveterate; neither are we to fuppofe, with fome, that it proceeded from too great an excefs of fenfual pleasures. Nature had never punished exceffes of this kind with such disorders in the world; and even to this day, we find that a momentary indulgence, which has been paffed for eight or ten years, may bring this cruel and fhameful fcourge upon the chaftest union.

The great Columbus, after having built feveral houses on thefe iflands, and difcovered the continent, returned to Spain, where he enjoyed a reputation unfullied by rapine or cruelty, and died at Valladolid in 1506. But the governors of Cuba and Hifpaniola, who fucceeded him, being perfuaded that these provinces furnished gold, refolved to make the discovery at the price of the lives of the inhabitants. In fhort, whether they thought the natives had conceived an implacable hatred to them; or that they were apprehenfive of their fuperior numbers; or that the rage of flaughter, when once begun, knows no bounds, they in the space of a few years entirely depopulated Hispaniola and Cuba, the former of which contained three millions of inhabitants, and the latter above fix hundred thousand.

Bartholomew de la Cafas, bishop of Chiapa, who was an eye-witness to these defolations, relates, that they hunted down the natives with dogs. Thefe wretched favages, almost naked and without arms, were purfued like wild beafts in the forefts, devoured alive by dogs, fhot to death, or surprised and burnt in their habitations.

He farther declares, from ocular teftimony, that they frequently caufed a number of thefe miferable wretches to be fummoned by a priest to come in, and fubmit to the Chriftian religion, and to the king of Spain; and that after this ceremony, which was only an additional act of injustice, they put them to death without the least remorfe. I believe that De la Cafas has exaggerated in many parts of his relation; but, allowing him to have faid ten times more than is truth, there remains enough to make us fhudder with horror.

It may feem furprifing, that this maf facre of a whole race of men could have been carried on in the fight, and under the adminiftration of several religious of the o.der of St. Jerome; for we know that

Cardinal Ximenes, who was prime minifter of Caftile before the time of Charles V. fent over four monks of this order, in quality of prefidents of the royal council of the island. Doubtless they were not able to refift the torrent; and the hatred of the natives to their new mafters, being with just reafon become implacable, rendered their deftruction unhappily necessary. Voltaire.

§ 250. The Influence of the Progress of Science on the Manners and Characters of Men.

The progrefs of fcience, and the culti vation of literature, had confiderable effect in changing the manners of the European nations, and introducing that civility and refinement by which they are now diftinguifhed. At the time when their empire was overturned, the Romans, though they had loft that correct tafte which has rendered the productions of their ancestors the ftandards of excellence, and models for imitation to fucceeding ages, ftill preferved their love of letters, and cultivated the arts with great ardour. But rude Barbarians were fo far from being struck with any admiration of thefe unknown accomplishments, that they defpifed them. They were not arrived at that state of society, in which thofe faculties of the human mind, that have beauty and elegance for their objects, begin to unfold themselves. They were ftrangers to all those wants and defires which are the parents of ingenious invention; and as they did not comprehend either the merit or utility of the Roman arts, they deftroyed the monuments of them, with induftry not inferior to that with which their pofterity have fince ftudied to preferve, or to recover them. The convulfions occafioned by their fettlement in the empire; the frequent as well as violent revolutions in every kingdom which they established; together with the interior defects in the form of government which they introduced, banished fecurity and leifure; prevented the growth of taste or the culture of fcience; and kept Europe, during feveral centuries, in a ftate of ignorance. But as foon as liberty and independence began to be felt by every part of the community, and communicated fome taste of the advantages arising from commerce, from public order, and from personal security, the human mind became confcious of powers which it did not formerly perceive, and fond of occupations or purluits

of

of which it was formerly incapable. Towards the beginning of the twelfth century, we difcern the first fymptoms of its awakening from that lethargy in which it had long been funk, and obferve it turning with curiofity and attention towards new objects.

The firft literary efforts, however, of the European nations, in the middle ages, were extremely ill-directed. Among nations, as well as individuals, the powers of imagination attain fome degree of vigour before the intellectual faculties are much exercised in fpeculative or abstract difquifition. Men are poets before they are philofophers. They feel with fenfibility, and defcribe with force, when they have made but little progrefs in investigation or reafoning. The age of Homer and of Hefiod long preceded that of Thales, or of Socrates. But unhappily for literature, our ancestors, deviating from this courfe which nature points out, plunged at once into the depths of abftrufe and metaphyfical enquiry. They had been converted to the Chriftian faith foon after they fettled in their new conquefts: but they did not receive it pure. The prefumption of men had added to the fimple and inftructive doctrines of Christianity, the theories of a vain philofophy, that attempted to penetrate into myfteries, and to decide queftions which the limited faculties of the human mind are unable to comprehend, or to refolve. Thefe over-curious fpeculations were incorporated with the fyftem of religion, and came to be considered as the moft effential part of it. As foon, then, as curiofity prompted men to inquire and to reafon, these were the fubjects which firft prefented themselves, and engaged their attention. The fcholaftic theology, with its infinite train of bold difquifitions, and fubtile diftinctions concerning points which are not the object of human reafon, was the first production of the fpirit of enquiry after it began to refume fome degree of activity and vigour in Europe.

It was not this circumftance alone that gave fuch a wrong turn to the minds of men, when they began again to exercife talents which they had fo long neglected. Most of the perfons who attempted to revive literature in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, had received instruction, or derived their principles of fcience from the Greeks in the eaftern empire, or from the Arabians in Spain and Africa. Both thefe people, acute and inquifitive to excess, cor

rupted those sciences which they cultivated. The former rendered theology a fyftem of fpeculative refinement, or of endless controverfy. The latter communicated to philofophy a fpirit of metaphyfical and frivolous fubtlety. Milled by thefe guides, the perfons who firft applied to fcience were involved in a maze of intricate inquiries, Instead of allowing their fancy to take its natural range, and to produce fuch works of invention as might have improved their taste, and refined their fentiments; infiead of cultivating thofe arts which embellish human life, and render it comfortable; they were fettered by authority; they were led aftray by example, and wafted the whole force of their genius in fpeculations as unavailing as they were difficult.

[ocr errors]

But fruitless and ill-directed as thefe fpeculations were, their novelty roused, and their boldness interested, the human mind. The ardour with which men purfued thefe uninviting ftudies was astonishing. Genuine philofophy was never cultivated, in any enlightened age, with greater zeal. Schools, upon the model of thofe inflituted by Charlemagne, were opened in every cathedral, and almost in every monastery of note. Colleges and univerfities were erected, and formed into communities, or corporations, governed by their own laws, and invefted with feparate and extenfive jurifdiction over their own members. A regular courfe of ftudies was planned. Privileges of great value were conferred on masters and fcholars. Academical titles and honours of various kinds were invented, as a recompence for both. Nor was it in the fchools alone that fuperiority in fcience led to reputation and authority; it became the object of respect in life, and advanced fuch as acquired it to a rank of no inconfiderable eminence. Allured by all thefe advantages, an incredible number of ftudents reforted to thefe new feats of learning, and crowded with eagernefs into that new path which was open to

fame and diftinction.

[blocks in formation]

been hitherto made to improve or to polifh
them. The Latin tongue was confecrated
by the church to religion. Cuftom, with
authority scarce lefs facred, had appropri-
ated it to literature. All the fciences cul-
tivated in the twelfth and thirteenth cen-
turies were taught in Latin. All the books
with refpect to them, were written in that
language. To have treated of any im-
portant fubject in a modern language, would" Lacedæmonians practife it."
have been deemed a degradation of it.
This confined science within a very nar-
row circle. The learned alone were ad-
mitted into the temple of knowledge; the
gate was shut against all others, who were
allowed to remain involved in their former
darkness and ignorance.

pointed for the Lacedæmonians, that ho-
neft people, more virtuous than polite, rofe
up all to a man, and, with the greatest re-
fpect, received him among them. The
Athenians, being fuddenly touched with a
fenfe of the Spartan virtue, and their own
degeneracy, gave a thunder of applaufe;
and the old man cried out, "The Athe-
"nians understand what is good, but the

But though fcience was thus prevented, during feveral ages, from diffufing itself through fociety, and its influence was circumfcribed, the progrefs of it may be mentioned, neverthelefs, among the great caufes which contributed to introduce a change of manners into Europe. That ardent, though ill-judged, fpirit of inquiry, which I have defcribed, occafioned a fermentation of mind, which put ingenuity and invention in motion, and gave them vigour. It led men to a new employment of their faculties, which they found to be agreeable, as well as interefting. It accustomed them to exercises and occupations which tended to foften their manners, and to give them fome relish for those gentle virtues which are peculiar to nations among whom fcience hath been cultivated with fuccefs.

Robertfon.

251. On the Refpect paid by the LACE,

DÆMONIANS and ATHENIANS to old

Age.

It happened at Athens, during a public reprefentation of fome play exhibited in honour of the commonwealth, that an old gentleman came too late for a place fuitable to his age and quality. Many of the young gentlemen, who obferved the difficulty and confufion he was in, made figns to him that they would accommodate him if he came where they fat: the good man buftied through the crowd accordingly; but when he came to the feats to which he was invited, the jeft was, to fit clofe and expofe him, as he stood out of countenance, to the whole audience. The frolic went round all the Athenian benches. But on thofe occafions, there were alfo particular places aligned for foreigners: when the good man fkulked towards the boxes ap

Spectator.

§ 252. On PETUS and ARRIA. In the reign of Claudius, the Roman emperor, Arria, the wife of Cæcinna Pætus, was an illuftrious pattern of magnanimity and conjugal affection.

fon were both, at the fame time, attacked It happened that her husband and her with a dangerous illness. The fon died. lity of mind and perfon which could endear He was a youth endowed with every quahim to his parents. His mother's heart was torn with all the anguish of grief; yet the refolved to conceal the diftreffing event from her husband. She prepared and conducted his funeral fo privately, that Pætus did not know of his death. Whenever she pretended her fon was better; and, as ofcame into her husband's bed-chamber, she anfwer, that he had refted well, or had ten as he inquired after his health, would eaten with an appetite. When the found that he could no longer reftrain her grief, but her tears were guthing out, she would leave the room, and, having given vent to her paffion, return again with dry eyes left her forrow behind her at the door of and a ferene countenance, as if he had

the chamber.

66

Dalmatia, having taken up arms againft Camillus Scribonianus, the governor of Claudius, Pætus joined himself to his party, and was foon after taken prifoner, and brought to Rome. When the guards were going to put him on board the ship, Arria befought them that fhe might be permitted to go with him. Certainly," faid fhe, you cannot refufe a man of confular dig. "nity, as he is, a few attendants to wait upon him; but, if you will take me, I favour, however, was refufed; upon which " alone will perform their office." This the hired a small fishing veffel, and boldly ventured to follow the ship.

[ocr errors]

66

of Scribonianus in the emperor's palace, Returning to Rome, Arria met the wife who preffing her to discover all that she knew of the infurrection," What !” said

the,

fhe, fhall I regard thy advice, who faw thy hufband murdered in thy very arms, "and yet furvivest him?"

Pætus being condemned to die, Arria formed a deliberate resolution to share his fate, and made no fecret of her intention. Thrafea, who married her daughter, attempting to diffuade her from her purpose, among other arguments which he ufed, faid to her, "would you then, if my life were to be taken from me, advife your daughter to die with me?"" Moft certainly I would," the replied, "if the "had lived as long, and in as much harmony with you, as I have lived with "Pætus."

66

66

66

[ocr errors]

Perfifting in her determination, she found means to provide herself with a dagger: and one day, when the obferved a more than ufual gloom on the countenance of Pætus, and perceived that death by the hand of the exccutioner appeared to him more terrible than in the field of glory perhaps, too, fenfible that it was chiefly for her fake that he wished to live-fhe drew the dagger from her side, and stabbed herfelf before his eyes. Then inftantly plucking the weapon from her breast, the prefented it to her husband, faying, My "Pætus, it is not painful *.” Pliny. $253. ABDOLONYMUS raised to the Government of SIDON.

[ocr errors]

The city of Sidon having furrendered to Alexander, he ordered Hephæftion to beftow the crown on him whom the Sidonians fhould think moft worthy of that honour. Hephæftion being at that time refident with two young men of diftinction, offered them the kingdom; but they refufed it, telling him that it was contrary to the laws of their country, to admit any one to that honour, who was not of the royal family. He then, having expreffed his admiration of their difinterested spirit, defired them to name one of the royal race, who might remember that he received the crown through their hands. Overlooking many who would have been ambitious of this high honcur, they made choice of Abdolonymus, whofe fingular merit had ren

In the Tatler, N° 72, a fancy piece is drawn, founded on the principal fact in this story, but wholly fictitious in the circumstances of the tale. The author, miftaking Cæcinna Pætus for Thrafea Pætus, has accufed even Nero unjustly; charging him with an action which certainly belonged to Claudius. See Pliny's Epiftles, Book iii. Ep. 16. Dion. Caffius, Lib. Íx. and Tacitus, Lib. xvi. $35.

dered him confpicuous even in the vale of obfcurity. Though remotely related to the royal family, a series of misfortunes had reduced him to the neceffity of cultivating a garden, for a small ftipend, in the suburbs of the city.

While Abdolonymus was bufily employed in weeding his garden, the two friends of Hephæftion, bearing in their hands the enfigns of royalty, approached him, and faluted him king, informing him that Alexander had appointed him to that office; and requiring him immediately to exchange his ruftic garb, and utenfils of husbandry, for the regal robe and fceptre. At the fame time, they urged him, when he should be feated on the throne, and have a nation in his power, not to forget the humble condition from which he had been raised.

All this, at the firft, appeared to Abdolonymus as an illufion of the fancy, or an infult offered to his poverty. He requested them not to trouble him farther with their impertinent jefts, and to find some other way of amufing themselves, which might leave him in the peaceable enjoyment of his obfcure habitation.-At length, however, they convinced him that they were ferious in their proposal, and prevailed upon him to accept the regal office, and accom→ pany them to the palace.

No fooner was he in poffeffion of the government, than pride and envy created him enemies, who whispered their murmurs in every place, till at laft they reached the ear of Alexander; who, commanding the new-elected prince to be fent for, required of him, with what temper of mind he had borne his poverty. "Would to Heaven," replied Abdolonymus, "that I may be able "to bear my crown with equal moderation: "for when I poffeffed little, I wanted no

66

thing: thefe hands fupplied me with "whatever I defired." From this answer, Alexander formed fo high an idea of his wisdom, that he confirmed the choice which had been made, and annexed a neighbour ing province to the government of Sidon. Quintus Curtius.

$254. The Refignation of the Emperor CHARLES V.

Charles refolved to refign his kingdoms to his fon, with a folemnity fuitable to the importance of the tranfaction; and to perform this last act of fovereignty with fuch formal pomp, as might leave an indelible impreflion on the minds, not only of his

Kk3

fubjects,

fubjects, but of his fucceffor. With this view, he called Philip out of England, where the peevish temper of his queen, which increased with her defpair of having iffue, rendered him extremely unhappy; and the jealoufy of the English left him no hopes of obtaining the direction of their affairs. Having affembled the states of the Low Countries, at Bruffels, on the twentyfifth of October, one thousand five hundred and fifty-five, Charles feated himself, for the last time, in the chair of state; on one fide of which was placed his fon, and on the other his fifter, the queen of Hungary, regent of the Netherlands; with a fplendid retinue of the grandees of Spain, and princes of the empire, standing behind him. The prefident of the council of Flanders, by his command, explained, in a few words, his intention in calling this extraordinary meeting of the ftates. He then read the inftrument of refignation, by which Charles furrendered to his fon Philip all his territories, jurifdiction, and authority in the Low Countries; abfolving his fubjects there from their oath of allegiance to him, which he required them to transfer to Philip, his lawful heir, and to ferve him with the fame loyalty and zeal which they had manifefted, during fo long a courfe of years, in fupport of his government.

Charles then rofe from his feat, and leaning on the fhoulder of the prince of Orange, because he was unable to stand without fupport, he addreffed himself to the audience, and, from a paper which he held in his hand, in order to affift his memory, he recounted with dignity, but without oftentation, all the great things which he had undertaken and performed fince the commencement of his adminiftration. He obferved, that, from the feventeenth year of his age, he had dedicated all his thoughts and attention to public objects; referving no portion of his time for the indulgence of his eafe, and very little for the enjoyment of private pleafure: that, either in a pacific or hoftile manner, he had visited Germany nine times, Spain fix times, France four times, Italy feven times, the Low Countries ten times, England twice, Africa as often, and had made eleven voyages by fea that, while his health permitted him to discharge his duty, and the vigour of his conftitution was equal, in any degree, to the arduous office of governing fuch extenfive dominions, he had never fhunned

labour, nor repined under fatigue: that

now, when his health was broken, and his vigour exhausted by the rage of an incurable distemper, his growing infirmities admonished him to retire; nor was he so fond of reigning, as to retain the fceptre in an impotent hand, which was no longer able to protect his fubjects, or to render them happy: that, inftead of a fovereign worn out with diseases, and scarcely half alive, he gave them one in the prime of life, accuftomed already to govern, and who added to the vigour of youth, all the attention and fagacity of maturer years: that if, during the courfe of a long administration, he had committed any material error in government; or if, under the preffure of fo many and great affairs, and amidst the attention which he had been obliged to give to them, he had either neglected, or injured any of his fubjects, he now implored their forgiveness: that for his part, he fhould ever retain a grateful sense of their fidelity and attachment, and would carry the remembrance of it along with him to the place of his retreat, as his fweetest confolation, as well as the best reward for all his fervices; and, in his last prayers to Almighty God, would pour forth his ardent wishes for their welfare.

Then, turning towards Philip, who fell on his knees, and kiffed his father's hand, "If," fays he, "I had left you by my

death, this rich inheritance, to which I "have made fuch large additions, fome

[ocr errors]

regard would have been justly due to my "memory on that account: but now, when "I voluntarily refign to you what I might "ftill have retained, I may well expect "the warmest expreffions of thanks on "your part. With these, however, I dis"penfe; and fhall confider your concern "for the welfare of your fubjects, and your "love of them, as the best and most ac"ceptable testimony of your gratitude to "me. It is in your power, by a wife and "virtuous administration, to justify the ex"traordinary proof which I this day give "of my paternal affection; and to de. "monftrate, that you are worthy of the "confidence which I repose in you. Pre"ferve an inviolable regard for religion; "maintain the Catholic faith in its purity; "let the laws of your country be facred in " your eyes; encroach not on the rights "and privileges of your people: and, if "the time fhall ever come, when you shall "wifh to enjoy the tranquillity of private "life, may you have a fon endowed with

"fuch

« PreviousContinue »