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the nature of things. It belongs to the president of the Council of State, and ministers, to lay before you its labours during the last eighteen months; if they have not corresponded to the hopes we had formed, they have, at least, the obstacles which turbulent circumstances of exterior war, and intestine convulsion, opposed to the march of the administration-evils which, thanks to Divine Providence, have ceased, by the application of clemency and peace. Lend your sovereign attention to the origin and progress of those broils. The disturbances which unfortunately occurred in 1826, obliged me to come from Peru, notwithstanding I was resolved not to accept the first constitutional magistracy, for which I had been re-elected during my absence. Called upon with anxiety to re-establish concord, and to avoid civil war, I could not refuse my services to the country from which I had received that new honour, and unequivocal proofs of confidence. The national representation began to consider the causes of discord that agitated men's minds, and, convinced that they existed, and that radical measures ought to be adopted, they submitted to the necessity of anticipating the meeting of the Grand Convention. That body was installed when party-spirit was at its height, and dissolved itself without the members who composed it being able to agree upon the reform they meditated.

"Seeing the republic menaced by a complete dissociation, I was obliged, in such a crisis, to sustain it anew; and had it not been, that the national opinion had united

promptly to deliberate on its own conservation, the republic would have been torn to pieces by the hands of its own citizens. The national opinion honoured me with its confidence-a confidence that I ought to respect as the most sacred law. When the country was about to perish, could I hesitate? The laws, which had been violated by force of arms, and by the dissensions of the people, wanted vigour; the legis lative body had already decreed

knowing the necessity-that that assembly should meet which could reform the constitution; and the convention had already declared unanimously, that reform was most urgent. So solemn a declaration, united to the preceding ones, gave a mortal blow to the political compact of Colombia. The constitution of the year eleven ceased to exist; horrible was the situation of the country, and more horrible was mine, because it threw me at the mercy of opinions and suspicions. Yet the tarnishing of a reputation acquired in a long series of services, in which similar sacrifices have been necessary and frequent, did not impede me.

The organic decree I issued on the 27th of August, 1828, ought to convince all, that my most ardent wish was, to relieve myself from the insupportable weight of unlimited authority, and that the republic should return to constitute itself through the medium of the representatives. But scarcely had I begun to exercise the functions of supreme chief, when opposing elements burst forth with the violence of the passions, and the ferocity of crime. My life was attemptedcivil war kindled by this example,

and through other means, they encouraged the government of Peru to invade our departments of the south, with views of conquest and usurpation. My assertions, fellow citizens, are not founded on simple conjecture; the facts and documents that accredit it are authentic. War became inevitable. The army of general Lamar is routed in Targue, in a way most splendid and glorious for our arms, and its relics are saved by the generosity of the victors. Notwithstanding the magnanimity of the Colombians, general Lamar, breaking the treaties, renewed the war, and commenced hostilities, whilst I answered him by inviting him once more to peace; but he calumniated us, and outrageously affronted us. The department of Guayaquil becomes the victim of his extravagant pretensions. We, being deprived of a naval force, intercepted by the inundations of the winter, and by other obstacles, had to await the favourable seasons to re-occupy the place. During this interval, a national sentence, according to the very expression of the supreme chief of Peru, vindicated our conduct, and freed our enemies of general Lamar. The political aspect of that republic being thus changed, opened the way for negotiation, and, by an armistice, we re-occupied Guayaquil.

"In fine, on the 22nd of September the treaty of peace was concluded, which put an end to a war in which Colombia defended her rights with dignity. I congratulate the Congress and the nation on the satisfactory results of the affairs in the south, as much for the conclusion of the war as for the unequivocal proofs of be

nevolence that we have received from the Peruvian government, nobly confessing that we were insidiously provoked to war. No government has acted more satisfactorily to another than Peru has to us; for which magnanimity she is deserving of the most perfect esteem on our part. Fellowcitizens, if peace has been concluded with that moderation that was to be hoped for between sister-countries, ought they not to lay down their arms, consecrated to liberty and their mutual conservation? We have also extended our limits towards the unfortunate people of the south, who allowed themselves to be dragged into civil war, or who were seduced by the enemy.

"It is gratifying to me to inform you, that to terminate these domestic dissensions not a drop of blood has satisfied the vengeance of the law; and although a gallant general (Cordova) and his followers have fallen, their punishment comes from the hand of the Almighty, when from ours they would have enjoyed the clemency which we have shown those who have survived-all enjoy liberty notwithstanding their errors. The country has suffered too much from these shocks, which we shall always remember with grief; and if any thing can mitigate our affliction, it is the consolation we have, that no part of its origin can be attributed to us, and that we have been as generous to our adversaries as lay in our power. We have to lament the sacrifice of some delinquents at the altar of justice, and although patricides merit no indulgence, many of them, and perhaps the most guilty of them, have received it at my

hands. Let this picture of horror which it has been my misfortune to lay before you, serve as an example; let it serve us for the future as one of those formidable visitations which Providence awards us in the course of life for our correction. It belongs to Congress to gather sweet fruits from this bitter tree, or at least to keep at a distance from its venomous shade. If the honourable task had not fallen upon me of calling on you to represent the rights of the people, that you may, according to the wishes of your constituents, create or ameliorate our institutions, this would be the place to call your attention to the result of twenty years devoted to the service of the country. But I ought not even to hint to you that which all citizens have a right to ask; all can and are obliged to submit their opinions, their fears, and wishes, to those whom we have constituted for the amelioration of society, disordered as it is by trouble and misery. I alone am prevented from exercising this civil privilege, because, having convoked you, and assigned your attributes, I am not permitted in any way to influence your councils. Besides, it would be unfortunate to repeat to the elected of the people that which Colombia has published with characters of blood. My only duty is, to submit myself without restrictions to the code and magistrate that you give us; and all I aspire to is, that the will of the people be proclaimed, respected, and fulfilled, by its delegates. With this view I took the necessary steps that the people should express their opinion with full liberty and security, without any

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other limits than those which are prescribed by order and moderation. This has been done, and you will perceive in the petitions which are submitted to your consideration, the ingenuous expression of the popular wish. the provinces await your resolutions; in all parts, the meetings which have been held with this view, have been conducted with regularity and respect to the authority of government and the constituent Congress. We have alone to lament the excess of the meeting at Caraccas, of which your prudence and wisdom ought also to judge. I fear, with some foundation, that my sincerity in speaking to you of the magistrate who is to preside over the republic is doubted. But the Congress ought to persuade itself that its own honour is opposed to its thinking of me for that station; and mine, most decidedly, to accepting it. You will, perhaps, cause this precious attribute to flow back upon him who has pointed it out to you. Dare you, without disgracing your own reputation, concede me your suffrages? Would not that be actually appointing myself? Far be from you and me an act so ignoble-obliged as you are, to constitute the government of the republic, within and without your own circle you will find illustrious men who will discharge the presidency of the state with glory and advantage-all, all, my fellow-citizens, enjoy the inestimable fortune to appear innocent in the eyes of the suspicious-I alone am taunted with aspiring to tyranny. Free me, I beseech you, from the censure that I may expect, if I continue to fill a station that never can

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clear itself of the accusations of ambition. Believe me, a new magistrate is already indispensable for the republic. The people wish to know if I will at any time cease to govern them? The States of America view me with a certain inquietude that may bring down some day upon Colombia evils similar to those of Peru. In Europe itself there are not wanting those who fear that I discredit by my conduct the fair course of liberty. Ah, how many conspiracies and wars have we not suffered to attack my authority and perThese attacks have ruined the people, whose sacrifices might have been avoided if from the commencement the legislators of Colombia had not forced me to support a load which has borne me down more than war with all its afflictions. Show yourselves, fellow-citizens, worthy of representing a free people, by repelling every idea of my being necessary to the republic. If one man be necessary to sustain the state, that state ought not, and in the end will not, exist. The magistrate you may select will, no doubt, be the rallying point of domestic concord, the link of fraternity, and the consolation of the dejected. All Colombians will rally round this fortunate being: he will unite them in the embrace of friendship, he will form of them a family of citizens! I will obey this legitimate magistrate with the most cordial respect-I will follow such an angel of peace-I will sustain him with my sword and with my utmost powers. I will use energy, respect, and submission, in aiding the projects of the magistrate you may elect. I swear it, legislators-I promise it in

the name of the people and the Colombian army. Happy will be the republic, if, upon accepting my resignation, you appoint president a citizen beloved by the nation. The republic will be lost if you persist in re-electing me. Hear my prayers: serve the republic-save my glory, which is that of Colombia-dispose of the presidency which I respectfully abdicate. From to-day I am no more than a citizen armed to defend the country, and obey the government. My public functions cease for ever. I make a formal and solemn delivery of the supreme authority which the national suffrages have conferred on me. You belong to all the provinces, you are the most select citizens; you have served in all the offices of the state. You know its local and its general interests; you want nothing farther to regenerate this republic, perishing, as it is, in all the branches of its administration. Let my last act be, to recommend to you the protection of the sacred religion we profess, a fountain overflowing with the blessings of heaven. The national finance demands attention, particularly in its system. The public debt, which is the gangrene of Colombia, reclaims of you its most sacred rights. The army, which possesses infinite titles to the national gratitude, requires complete organization. Justice requires codes capable of defending the rights and innocence of freemen. It is necessary to create every thing, and you ought to lay the foundation of prosperity in establishing the general basis of our political organization.

"Fellow-citizens! I blush to say it-independence is the only good