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high mark in the competitive examinations. The politicians, always fertile in expedients, are continually inventing ways to evade the spirit of these laws, but it will not be long before their resources for evasion shall be exhausted and all possible contingencies fully provided for by the regulations and schedules.

In this way a compact body of men is always in existence for party purposes. First, there are the bosses, sacheins, commissioners, or what not; then the Assembly District leaders; then eight hundred or more minor lieutenants or election district captains for each organization, each of whoin can command the services, in return for those rendered by themselves, of from five to ten voters. The figures thus run up into thousands, and the organization not only being compact, but reaching into every district, the material exists for large and enthusiastic mass-meetings, for well-attended pri-. maries, for an active canvass throughout the city, and, above all, for a thorongh manding of the polls on election day. The internal organization of parties is such that independent and thoughtful voters can take part in preliminary party activity only as counters in a game played by professionals,

or at the cost of seeing every effort at independent activity nullified by the power of the Machine. Sometimes this nullification is effected by a suborned majority, sometimes by physical violence, and sometimes through outright fraud and the falsification of the records. If this be objected to, and an appeal be taken to the central body, a hearing may be accorded, but there is no record of a case in which such an appeal has ever been determined against the district leader, or the man whom the “ bosses” had prearranged should be assisted to supplant the district leader._

The Machine organization, then, takes soine such form as this: A County Committee, consisting of so many members from each of the several Assembly Districts, who in their several localities make up the Assembly District committees; an executive committee of the County Comınittee, made up of the leaders of each Assembly District and a few of their most influential lieutenants and friends; a sub-committee of this executive committee, consisting of the Assembly District leaders, about twenty-four in number, who in their turn are governed by those who employ them for political service and pay them out of the public fund. The

boss consults with the leaders, and does what they wish if it accords with his views; otherwise the leaders do what the boss wishes.] Then they call the Executive Committee together in order that it may act spontaneously in the premises, which it generally does in such a way as to prove conclusively the unanimity of purpose in that body. The necessary resolutions are then passed for submission by way of report to the General Committee of the county, by whom they are uniformly carried, thus expressing the single will of that body.

At first sight it would appear that a body of two thousand or more men could not be easily handled, and neither could it be if each one had individual views; but the politicians well know that, with such organizations as theirs, a large body is much more easily managed than a small one. Each district leader is expected to, and does, answer for his district contingent, and in the city of New York, consequently, it only needs that thirteen out of the twenty-four leaders should be agreed for these thirteen to carry committee or convention, since they are really and directly responsible for all of the representatives from their districts. This rule works particularly well in the case of certain con

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ventions, like the County Convention, where there are always two thousand or more delegates, and which Convention is practically the General Committee under another name. The twenty-four leaders first having agreed with the boss upon a ticket, the Convention is called together, and the twentyfour (who are always members of the Convention), through their subordinates, confirm the work as agreed upon. If any one objects he is langhed at; perhaps he is heard, but no harm is done, and the vote will stand anywhere from unanimity to two thousand against ten or a hundred.

By such a Machine the politicians really control the city, for they know that the very laws conspire in their favor. The politicians begin by making it impossible for any man who earns his living outside of politics to keep up with them, and then the law steps in and calls for the election of so many persons that it is practically impossible for the voter to learn anything about the candidates, or to wisely determine for whom he should vote, much less to put any one in nomination with the hope of election.

He usually falls back upon his party nominee, and so the Machine is justified and kept in power by the votes

of the very people whom it has practically deprived of political equality. In this way leaders who do not get appointive offices are elected to the Board of Aldermen, the Senate, the Assernbly, or to a civil justiceship, as the case may be. Thus the vicious circle is completed.

The politicians and many of the newspapers alike say that the remedy is for the people to attend the primaries. Now of these latter there are three classes: the Republican, where the voting is done by Assembly Districts and from the rolls of the district organization; the Tammany, where it is done by Assembly Districts, and where every one whom the inspectors permit may vote; and the County Democracy, where it is done by election districts and from the registry lists. In the case of the Republican primaries the elections are controlled by committees on Revision of Rolls, by shortening the hours for voting, by loading the line, and by the inspectors who make the returns. In the case of Tammany there is nothing to be done except formally to register the will of the leader, and what is called the primary is usually only a gathering of the clans to get a drink, and incidentally vote the ticket put into their hands.

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