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Copy of Lord Camden's Letter upon the Subject of American Intercourse, upon
which the Lieutenant Governor of Jamaica founded his Order of Council of
the 21st November, 1804
Address of the Assembly of Jamaica to His Majesty, upon the Subject of the
Prohibition of the Intercourse with America, dated 18th December, 1804
Prorogation of the Assembly of Jamaica, 18th December, 1804
Resolutions of Militia Officers, relative to the enlisting Men from the Militia into
the Regular Army, 7th March, 1805

Tenth Report of the Commissioners of Naval Inquiry

Letter from General Prevost, commanding at Dominica, to the Master of the
Sloop Endeavour, relative to the Capture of that Island, dated 24th Fe-

Page

389

389
390

391

449

521

Petition of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, presented to both Houses of Parliament,
March 25, 1895

522
602

Eleventh Report of the Commissioners of Naval Inquiry
Resolutions of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Liverymen of the City of London, re-
lative to the Tenth Report of the Connais toners of Naval Inquiry, dated
18th April, 1805
Address presented to the King, by the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common
Council of London, relative to the Turth Report of the Commissioners of
Naval Inquiry, 30th April, 1805; together with His Majesty's Answer
Petition against Lord Melville, presented to the Hone of Comaions 3d May, 1805,
from the Eectors of Wes minster 694; from the Electors of Soachwark, 699;
from Salisbury, 696; from the City of London
Circular Letter from Lord Hawkesbury, Secretary of State, to the Lords Lieutenants
of Counties, relative to Volunteer Corps, dated April 1, 1805
Dispatch from Lutenant General Sir W. Myers to Lord Camden, relative to the
Capture of Dominica by the French

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Petition against Lord Melville, from the Borough of St. Albans, 778; from the
County of Surrey, 778; frm the City of York. 779; from the County of
Norfok, 70, fom Hampshire, 781; from Hertfordshire, S2; from Read-
ing, 782; from Bedfrashire, 808; from Berk hire, 951; from Southampton,
952; from Northumberland, 952; from Cornwall, 953; from Coventry, 954;
from Essex

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Memorial and Representation on the Subject of American Intercourse, presented
by the House of Assembly of Jamaica to the Lieutenant Governor thereof,
dated at Kingston, 20th April, 1805

630

694

698

762

762

954

946

ESSAYS AND LETTERS.

Address to the Public

Agricola, on the Refusal of Bank Notes

Rusticus, on the Family Reconciliation

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-Family Reconciliation

A British Observer's Second Letter to Mr. Pitt, on the Catholic Claims
SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-War with Spain.-Peace.--The Family Reconciliation
T. M.'s Seventh Letter on the Incapacity of Henry the Sixth

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-The menaced Invasion.-The State of our Military
Force.-Communication from the Emperor Napoleon

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-The New Ministry.-Communication from France.—
Continental Alliances.- Additional Burdens.-Interal State of the Country.
Spanish War

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Crito on the Refusal of Bank Notes-

358

398

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-Middlesex Election. -Subsidies. -The French Fleets.
-Sheriffs Rawlins and Cox.--Parliamentary. Divisions.-The Atonement

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SUMMARY OF POLITICS.-Roman Catholic Petition-Proceedings against Lord

Melville. Mr. Pit's Case-French and Spanish Fleets

Verax's Fourth Letter on the Reform of Financial Abuses

726

VOL. VII. No. 1.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 5, 1805.

[PRICE 10D

"It is said, that there has not been a sufficient change in the Ministry. But, surely, the right honour"able gentleman below" (Mr. Addington) 66 must, at least, be satisfied that the change is sufficient. It "surely will not be considered that it is no change that the office of first lord of the Treasury is now held by Few persons will doubt, I believe, that a very real change has taken place in that department." Mr. Pitt's Speech, June 18, 1804. PARL. DEBATES, Vol. II, p. 746, 747.

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me.

TO THE PUBLIC.

At the commencement of each year, since the establishment of this work, it has been the custom for me to say a few words, as to the extent of its circulation; not so much with a view to private as to that of public interest. To judge of the merit of a public journal by the number of copies sold, would be to discover but little knowledge of the various circumstances, by which the sale of such publications is generally influenced; but, when we have to speak of a work, from the pages of which every thing 'calculated to amuse the frivolous or to en ́tertain the indolent is sedulously excluded; which are occupied entirely with dry political matter, requiring seriousness and reflection in the perusal to render it at all va luable, and, not aided by the sprightliness of wit or the embellishments of style, but, in its unenticing garb, addressed directly to the understanding and the reason, thereon solely relying for its success; when we have to speak of such a work, it is, I think, fair to presume, that the extent of its circulation may be regarded as a criterion whereby to form a tolerably accurate judgment of the prevalence, generally speaking, of its principles and opinions. From this persuasion it is that I am, upon the present occasion, induced to state, that, notwithstanding the unexampled depopulation of the town, during the six months embraced by the Volumne just finished, there were many more copies of this work sold during that time than during any former six months since the commencement of the work. In a former address to the public, I was led to make a statement of this kind, in order to remove the impression, which the reports of the then ministerial writers might have produced. Now, indeed, the same reason does not exist; but, there are two circumstances which appear to render the statement necessary.-First; it was natural to suppose, that the part, which I thought it my duty to take respecting the Middlesex Election would operate unfavourably towards the Register; because, all those, whose eyes had not been constantly fixed upon political causes and events, must have been regarded as likely

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to condemn a conduct, which, to them, would inevitably seem inconsistent, if not involving an abandonment of principle. It is not meant to allude here to mere contractors and jobbers; to the leeches of the community; but to men of honesty and real loyalty and patriotism, many of whom might have been excused for disapproving of the observations upon the subject here referred to. No such effect has, however, been produced; and, I am persuaded, that there are very few sensible and honourable men in the kingdom, who, whatever might be their sentiments at first, are not now as anxious as I am to see SIR FRANCIS BURDETT seated as one of the members for this county. Indeed, the profligacy, which can applaud the promotion of Mr. Mackintosh, the ministerial coalition with Mr. Tierney, the employing of Mr. Redhead Yorke and many others of the same stamp; which can, in all cases where the minister gains an accession of strength, preach forgiveness, har◄ mony, and unanimity, and, in all cases where he meets with opposition, inculcate, with more vehemence than ever, eternal resentment and hostility; this profligacy is so glaring and offensive, that it has done what might well have been expected from it, namely, excited the indignation of every man whose indignation is worth notice. The other circumstance, above alluded to, as likely to have an unfavourable effect upon this work, is, its steady opposition to the present ministry of Mr. Pitt, It was natural to suppose here also, that many very worthy and even very sensible men would, recollecting the professions with which I commenced my career in England, think that they perceived a departure from principle; and, though it has, I trust, been incontrovertibly proved, that there has been no such departure, even in the slightest degree, still it might reasonably have been feared, that the deep-rooted prejudices of good men, long attached to the name of Pitt from the purest of motives, and, moreover, strongly averse from making an acknowledgment involving an accusation of their own discernment, would have alienated a considerable number of my readers, parti

swering the queries of your correspondent to the best of my abilities.---If the debt and costs be paid into court in bank notes, and the creditor shall insist on payment in specie, I conceive it would be expedient to inform the debtor by notice, that such payment will be insisted on, and the trial proceeded on if it be not so made. The debtor has thus full notice why he is forced to trial, and there is then, in truth, but one point for the court to determine, whether a creditor be compellable, by law, to accept payment in bank notes. I am aware that the practice of paying money into court is entirely its own creature, modified at its own will in such a manner as to discourage, as much as possible, unjust and vexatious litigation; and it may, therefore, be contended, that in the exercise of a discretion which has created and modified this practice, a lodgment in bank notes might be held to be a sufficient lodgment to save costs. But this, I conceive, could not hap pen; the discretion of the court will be always regulated by principles of law and justice, and such a decision would be so clear

cularly when it was considered, that my work stood, at first, almost exclusively upon the support of persons of this description. So far, however, from this having been the case, I have received, from persons formerly strongly attached to Mr. Pitt, not less, perhaps, than a hundred and fifty written assurances, that the reasons, whereon I have founded my conviction of the destructive tendency of that gentleman's system of rule, have produced conviction equally strong in the minds of the writers; while, on the other hand, I have received only seven let ters, expressing a dissent from my opinions in this respect, two of which I have published, the other five not being intended for publication. This fact may, perhaps, excite surprise, and 1 confess, that I'myself was, at first, surprised at it; but, when one duly reflects upon the conduct of Mr. Pitt, since his retirement from office, in 1801, the subject of reasonable surprise is, that he yet retains the attachment of one independent upright and sensible man, who was attached to him previous to that time.With regard to my motives for publishing this work, as well as for the manner of conduct-ly a breach of both law and justice, as I am ing it, they have been often enough stated, and, indeed, one would think it impossible that they should not be evident to every reader of common sense and common information: nevertheless, there are not want-lodgment was insufficient, because not ing, amongst the well-known and undisguised hirelings of the day, those who believe, or, rather, who wish to make others believe, that I am "a self-interested scrib"bler." A" scribbler" I may be; but, to believe that I am "a self-interested" one, not only must the believer know nothing of my character, but he must be totally blind to the tendency of my conduct; for, if self-interest were my object, who is there that can fail to perceive, that, as to any thing beyond the effects of mere industry, I long have been, and yet am, pursuing exactly the wrong course?

Jan. 1, 1805.

W. COBBETT.

REFUSAL OF BANK NOTES.

SIR,Your correspondent, Crito, desires my answer to two queries, on the subject of refusal of bank notes in payment of debts. Though I agree with him that your valuable paper should not be occupied with opinions on practical law, yet, as I am anxious to lend all the assistance in my power to any measure tending to the repeal of that mischievous law, the restriction act; and, as I formerly studied the law, and still maintain an intercourse with several learned lawyers, I shall take the liberty of an

satisfied could not occur. Before the re-
striction act, indeed, if a debt and costs had
been lodged in bank notes, and a captious
creditor had made the objection that the

made in specie, it is possible the court in
its sound discretion might overrule the ob-
jection; and though not strictly right in
point of law, yet it would not be unjust,
because bank notes, could without expense
or trouble, be converted into specie. But
the case at present is widely different:
bank notes cannot be converted into specie
but with trouble, and at a loss. In the for-
m
mer case, the debt and costs, had in truth
and effect, been lodged in court; in the
latter case they have not, but a representa-
tive of them only, of arbitrary and fluctua-
ting value, which may, and at present does,
fall considerably short of the real debt. It
might as well have been contended before
the restriction act, that a lodgment in Ex-
chequer-bills, when at a discount, would
have been sufficient. Bank notes are no
more known to our laws, as payment, than
Exchequer-bills. The act of Parliament
has only prohibited arrest on mesne process,
or the holding to special bail, in case of a
tender in bank notes. But it has gone no
farther. It has not prohibited arrest in exe
cution, nor in any other manner altered the
existing law.
existing law. But for the court to deprive
the party of his costs in the case supposed,
would alter the law in a most essential and

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