ART. XI.-CRITICAL NOTICES.

1. An Analytical Index of the whole of the Public Documents relative to Louisiana, deposited in the Archives of the Department “ De la Marine et des Colonies," at Paris, containing matters of great interest, many of which are unknown to the present generation, in relation to the early history of this country, and showing that Louisiana was the first province, upon the continent of America, to raise the standard of Liberty; carefully drawn from the above named archives, by a Louisianian. Published by E. Johns & Co. New-Orleans, 1841.

Until very lately, little interest has been taken in searching for and bringing to light the records of the history of Louisiana, which is the more to be wondered at, inasmuch as her early history is one fraught with matters of great and lively interest, not only to her own citizens, but to the whole country. No State in the union can boast of such rich, diversified and abundant material for the pen of the historian, and there is none which better deserves to be chronicled in the pages of universal history. We do not wish to be understood as asserting aught to the disparagement of what has been written. Far from it. But so much has lately been discovered in relation to the early history of this State, that a more full and elaborate work is now required; and we hope soon to see it forthcoming.

The pamphlet, the title of which stands at the head of this notice, is the production of a high-minded and talented son of Louisiana, Edmund J. Forstall, Esq., who, at the request of his excellency Governor Roman, made examination of the archives of Louisiana, in the Navy Department at Paris, the result of which has been communicated to the public. As many of our readers have not, probably, seen this publication, we shall make no apology for stating, in this notice, one or two of the most material points of information obtained by Mr. Forstall. The first document exhibits a lively narrative of the possession taken by Lasalle, of the mouths of the Mississippi, in 1682. After describing his perilous and eventful journey from the Miami river in Ohio, until he arrived at the mouths by which the river Colbert, now Mississippi, discharges itself into the sea, he closes the account by the following detail of the ceremonies of taking possession:

"On the 7th, Mr. Delasalle was reconnoitering and visiting the shores of the neighboring sea, and Mr. de Tonty the great middle channel of these two outlets, and found them beautiful, broad and deep. On the 8th of April we ascended a little above the confluence, in order to obtain a place, dry and free from inundation, in about the 27th degree of north latitude. We prepared a column and

cross, upon said column were painted the arms of France, with the following inscription:

"Louis le grand Roi de France et de Navarre, regnant le 9 Avril, 1682.'

"All being under arms, we chanted Te Deum, l'Exaudiat, Domine salvum fac regem. After several discharges of musketry, and shouts of Vive le Roi, Mr. Delasalle erected the column, and standing near to it, spoke aloud as follows, in French:

"By the most high, most powerful, invincible, most victorious Prince, Louis the Great, by the Grace of God King of France and Navarre, the fourteenth of

'this name.

"Upon this day, the 9th of April, 1682, I, by virtue of the commission which I hold in my hand, from his Majesty, ready to show to whom it may concern, have taken, and do take possession, in the name of his Majesty, and of the successors to his crown, of this country of Louisiana, the sea, the harbors, ports, bays, straits adjoining, and all the nations, people, provinces, cities, hamlets, villages, mines, minerals, fisheries, rivers, streams, comprised within the extent ' of the said Louisiana, from the mouth of the great river St. Louis, from the eastern side otherwise called Ohio, Olighin, Sipon, or Chiagona, and that by the 6 consent of the Chasanons, Chickasas, and all other people dwelling there, with whom we have made alliance, as also along the river Colbert or Mississippi, ' and the rivers which discharge themselves into it, from its source, beyond the 6 country of the Sioux or Nadonessious, and this with their consent, and the consent of the Motantes, Illinois, Mastigarnes, Arkansas, Natchez, Koras, who 6 are the most considerable nations which dwell there, and who have also made 'alliance with us, or those with whom we are connected, as far as to its entrance into the sea or Gulf of Mexico, in the 27th degree of North latitude, even to the ' mouth of the river of Palures, upon the assurance which we have from all those 'nations, that we are the first Europeans who have descended or ascended the 'said river Colbert.

"Protesting against all those who may, in future, endeavor to seize all or any of the aforesaid country, people or lands aforesaid, to the prejudice of the right of his Majesty, here acquiring them by the consent of the aforesaid nations, 'to all of which, in case of need, I take as witnesses those who now hear me, and I require the notary here present to prepare an act of it, to serve as occasion 'may require.'

"All present replied to this discourse by cries of Vive le Roi, and discharges of musketry. Mr. Delasalle caused, moreover, a tree to be planted in the earth, with a cross attached to it, and a leaden plate, with a coat of arms of the French engraved on one side, with the following Latin inscription: Ludoviscus Magnus regnat nono Aprilis, anno 1682. And on the other side, Robertus Cavellier Cum Domino de Tonty legato R. P. Zenobro membro recollecto, et viginti Gallis, primus hoc flumen inde, ab Illineoissin pago enavigabit ejusque ostium fecit permissus nono Aprilis, anno 1682."

Mr. Forstall next proceeds to state the nature and subjects of the various documents to which he obtained access by the influence of our Ambassador, Gen. Cass. These throw much light on the early exploring expeditions made in Louisiana, the wars and irruptions by the North American Indians, &c., &c.

Among other documents, were found a memorial bearing date April, 1764, of one Mr. Brand, praying for an exclusive privilege to establish a printing office in New Orleans; also, two letters of the same date, from M. d'Abbadie, to the duke of Choiseul, the one speaking of the first experiments in the culture of cane, with which

were sent samples of sugars from the estate of Chevalier de Masan; the other complaining of the demoralization produced by the circulation of depreciated paper, and the immoderate use of ardent spirits, even by the higher class of society, which latter particulars have become so venerable, from their antiquity, as well as so dear to many, that they are now scarcely subjects of complaint; although a few, perhaps, may be found, who deplore the existence of a depreciated currency, as well as the excessive use of alchoholic stimulants.

Next follows a statement of the facts relative to the expulsion of Governor Ulloa, making it evident, that the whole plan was not, as has generally been supposed, for the purpose of remaining under kingly government, but for the assertion of freedom and independence.

Our author gives some very pertinent remarks, under the head of finances of Louisiana. After stating, that about the year 1735, government paper money was introduced into Louisiana by ordinance of the king of France, he says:

"The reasons alledged for this issue are the same which were given by some of our modern financiers, to justify their application to the Bank of the United States for their depreciated paper, to enable the New Orleans Banks to resume specie payment. At that epoch the king of France was a merchant, had public stores, and the circulation of his paper money was to have been obtained by its being made legal tender for all goods purchased from the public stores. On the 7th June, 1764, a memorial was sent by the merchants of New Orleans to Mr. d'Abbadie, depicting the wretched conditon of the colony, produced by depreciated paper money. This document contains a practical refutation of the credit system, as eulogised by our present chamber of commerce in their pamphlet entitled 'Credit System.' It shows the demoralizing effects produced by the shadow being mistaken for the substance."

The following statistics will afford some idea of the city in 1704. The population, including the garrison, consisted of 180 men. There were 27 families, 80 houses covered with latinies, laid out in straight streets, 190 acres land cleared for the building of the city, 9 oxen, of which 5 belonged to the king, 14 cows and 4 bulls belonging to the king.

It would require many pages to mention simply the titles of the documents found by Mr. Forstall, and we must leave the consideration of them to another opportunity.

We trust, that these mementos of Louisiana's early glory and renown will not long be suffered to remain unemployed, in forming a basis for one of the most pleasing histories that could possibly be written. No one could be better fitted for this labor than Mr. Forstall himself; and we sincerely hope that he will immediately take the matter into consideration.

The pamphlet before us consists of two Lectures, by Rowland G. Hazard, Esq., author of "Language," the first of which is, upon the causes of "the Decline of Political and National Morality," and the second upon "the adaptation of the Universe to the cultivation of the Mind."

These Lectures, not only as beautiful specimens of style, but of profound and practical views of society, are deserving of notice. We should not, otherwise, have directed attention to compositions presented to the public in so ephemeral a shape. The causes of the decline of political morality in our country, is a subject of great interest and importance, and should be duly considered by every patriot. We boast of our illumination; but light and liberty have not always brought virtue and integrity in their train, and the love of country is supplanted in too many breasts, by avarice, and the ambition of place and station.

Hunt's Library of Commerce, Practical, Theoretical and Historical. Part. 1, v. I. New York: Office of the Merchant's Magazine. 1842.

If we may judge by the first number of this publication, it will be a work of the highest importance to our mercantile community; and not to them solely, but to readers of every grade and character. The history of China, which is commenced in this number, is one of interest and value, and should be read by every scholar in the country. Late occurrences between England and China have excited a desire for information in regard to the latter country, which it required such a publication as this to gratify. The history of China is one with which we ought to be acquainted, and a knowledge of the commercial intercourse maintained with it by different nations, is highly important. We cordially welcome this publication, and trust that it will meet with that encouragement which the talent and enterprize of its publishers so well deserve.

The Foreign Quarterly Review, for January, 1842.

This number of the Foreign Quarterly contains a great variety of historical matter, in relation to France, Italy, Sweden and Russia. There is, also, an elaborate and able article upon Egyptian hieroglyphics, which will be read with avidity by our scholars and literati. The last article is entitled, "Considerations upon England," and is a review of

a French work bearing that title. The reviewer, after noticing the book as one replete with French prejudices, and displaying an ignorance of English affairs, proceeds to state his own views, in regard to the foreign and domestic policy of England. Notwithstanding his own statement, that he is not one of those who consider England and France as natural enemies, no one can read his article without a conviction, that he is far from being a friend to France. He would, indeed, have peace with that country, but England, he says, must not be too closely united to her, as France, when she had augmented her power, and added to her resources, by an alliance with England, would not hesitate to turn her arms against that country. The policy he proposes, would seem to be, that of a close alliance with the other powers of Europe, to keep down that of France.

His next view is, of the relations between England and the United States, in which he exhibits himself as a genuine Tory. He speaks of the United States, as he would of some humble insect, which he has the forbearance not to tread into the earth. He confidently asserts, that there will be no war between England and the United States, because the latter country would not be so insane as to declare war against one who could almost annihilate her, in the course of a few months, or, at least, inflict upon her such severe chastisement, that she could not recover from it. The Americans must perceive this, he says, and, in view of it, will make such concessions to England as will avert the impending ruin. But, read the reviewer's own words:

"It is, in our opinion, more likely that in a war which should inflict at once so severe a calamity upon the United States as the destruction of some of their best towns, and the ruin of their foreign trade by putting an end to the exports of cotton and other natural productions, the peace party would gain ground and insist upon concessions to Great Britain. But whether this would be the case or not, it is perfectly evident, that the crisis through which the Union would have to pass would be a dreadful one, and would leave behind it great national debility. Vain, intemperate and headstrong as the Americans may be, speaking of them en masse, there is quite enough intelligence amongst them to enable them to calculate, beforehand, the probable profit-and-loss results of a war with England; and it is fortunate for the peace of Europe, the whole of which perhaps would be eventually compelled to take at least an indirect part in a war between England and the United States, that the chances of loss on the side of the latter are so great and so easy of appreciation that the Americans must be mad indeed if they do not perceive them."

But the reviewer, who seems remarkably pacific in his disposition, does not rely upon the above reason alone, for preventing a war. He has in reserve two irresistable arguments for sustaining his position. Hear him :

"There are, however, two things decidedly in favor of peace with the United States. If the popular feeling in America be, as we are assured it is, so excited as to this point of disputed territory, that it would not be difficult for a war ministry to plunge the country into a contest, it is equally true that those