than a century, and many of the other societies have been in existence at least half as long. In several instances they have been founded by highly educated men. As a rule they have been financially prosperous, and poverty has been unknown among their members. In so far as it has been their purpose to provide material comfort for those of their own number, they have been entirely successful. In each of them we see a picture of contentment, thrift, and general prosperity that is truly delightful. But viewed as attempts to solve the social problems of the world, or as methods of accomplishing general reforms, the work of these societies must be pronounced a failure.

In the same category we may place the reformers of to-day who would cure all the ills of society with the salve of a new social system. Such are the advocates of the "single tax theory," the "nationalization doctrine," and the like. They wholly ignore the causes of evil that lie in the individual, wrong habits of life, false principles of action, distorted views of truth. They recommend a remedy that is wholly external; and the inevitable result will be that the evil checked and apparently cured at one point will break out with undiminished violence at some other point.

The second phase of this inverted ideal of reform appears in the prevailing tendency to begin all reform at long range. Those who desire the reformation of others are unwilling to change their own modes of life and action, or even to forsake customs which they acknowledge to be wrong. When there is disagreement or friction, men imagine that the world about them is wrong, and that they are all right; so they go about the work of reform as though it were a simple question of bringing the whole world into harmony with themselves. The poor, or their representatives, demand reform among the rich; and the rich in their turn would bring about various reforms among the poor. Laborers clamor for reform among capitalists, and capitalists think there is greatest need of reform among laborers. Thus on every hand we may hear men calling upon their neighbors to reform; but thinking little of their own need of change. Labor combines, and extended organizations of workingmen are formed. What is their purpose? To educate labor and to make it more efficient? To cure the faults

and weaknesses which prevail among the so-called working classes? To teach workmen the advantages of temperance, industry, economy, and thrift; and to impress upon them the evil effects of idleness, discontent, and insubordination? By no means. Ask the average laborer what is the chief purpose of organization, and he will reply,-" Protection." In other words laborers organize in large numbers that they may engage in successful warfare against employers. The reforms for which they strive are not at all within their own ranks. They desire to reform capital, not labor. If a salve of arbitration does not accomplish the work, they will try the blister of forcible resistance. The only apparent result of their work is to increase the friction already existing.

To meet these combinations employers also combine; but not to promote reform among themselves. Their one desire is to meet force with force, to crush the strike by means of the lockout. Therefore, they endeavor to accumulate power sufficient to compel reform among laborers. Thus, with the cry of "Reform" on every side, little real progress is made. The social disease rages with unabated violence.

It would be easy and delightful to reform the world by denouncing the sins of others. Anybody would willingly do that, especially if the remuneration were large; but unfortunately the feat is impossible. The one result of every such attempt is to separate the different classes of society more widely than ever, to intensify their mutual antagonisms, and to complicate more than ever their tangled relations. Such methods never have succeeded in accomplishing any great and permanent reformation, and they never will.

With a wisdom which mounts above human short-sightedness, the leader of all true reform has said, "Cast out first the beam out of thine own eye, and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote out of thy brother's eye." Never was a motto The interpretation

more appropriate to the present exigencies. is plain. Let each class of society put forth its first and most earnest efforts to right the wrongs within its own ranks. Reform begun and carried out upon this principle would be successful and permanent.

A poor man is desirous of bettering his own condition, and at the same time he wishes to help his fellow sufferers. How can he best accomplish this? Shall he go about the country declaiming against the injustice of the rich? Shall he lead his brethren in a violent attack upon their wealthy neighbors, injuring or destroying valuable property? Shall he flatter the poor by telling them that their condition is a result of unjust social systems, or personal oppression? No, all this will do no good. It will not benefit himself nor his fellows. On the contrary, it will tend to make their condition worse. If he really desires to do good, he will give his first and chief attention to those whom he would help. He will strive to learn how far they are themselves responsible for their poverty. He will deal plainly with the subjects of waste, thriftlessness, indolence, extravagance, and the like; and he will endeavor to teach them the true methods and principles of economy.

The laborer, who would improve the lot of his fellow-laborers, must begin by endeavoring to correct the false ideas and modes of life that prevail among laborers. By example and precept he must lead them to adopt higher standards of work. He must impress upon them the necessity of industry, faithfulness, and contentment. He must urge the duty of selfimprovement, and teach them to maintain the true dignity of labor. Without fear or favor he must oppose the spirit of retaliation and violence. Evil habits, low ideals, dangerous tendencies, must all be searched out and exposed in their true light; and on all these points he must urge immediate and thorough reform. After he has induced his fellow laborers to forsake all evil ways and to do right on their part, he may hopefully plead for a like reformation on the part of employers.

Following the same principle the capitalist or employer who feels that society is needlessly disturbed and profitable production hindered by perverse and discontented workmen, and who desires to bring about a better state of affairs, must look first to himself and his own class. He must put away all dishonesty and oppression from his own business methods. He must cultivate a direct and personal sympathy with his own workmen. He must boldly denounce the sins of capital, and with voice and influence exert himself to the utmost to overcome them.

He must strive by all means to lead his fellow capitalists in the adoption of right methods and equitable courses of action. From this position of honest sympathy, and setting the example of unselfish interest in their welfare, he may preach economy, contentment, and submission to laboring men with some effect.

Human society is like a grand organ which is sadly out of tune. Even the dullest ear cannot fail to perceive the discords that must needs be reduced to harmony. This is the work of the reformer, to tune the organ. How shall it be done? Shall each discordant note demand that all others be brought into harmony with itself? That would result in confusion worse confounded. Rather let each false note be brought up to concert pitch, and then all will be in perfect harmony.

GEO. H. HUBBARD,

ARTICLE III.-A REVIEW OF THE WORKS OF AN ENGLISH MAN OF LETTERS--THE FRIEND OF MEN OF LETTERS-EDWARD FITZGERALD.

Letters and Literary Remains of Edward Fitzgerald. Edited by WILLIAM ALDIS WRIGHT. In three volumes. London Mcmillan & Co. 1889.

Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam. Translated by JUSTIN HUNTLY MCCARTHY, M.P. Published by David Nutt in the Strand.

MDCCCLXXXIX.

EDWARD FITZ

Rubaiyat of Khayyam. In English verse. GERALD. The text of the fourth edition, followed by that of the first; with notes showing the extent of his indebtedness to the Persian Original; and a biographical preface. New York and Boston: Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 1888.

THE literary remains of FitzGerald, which are contained in the second and third volumes of Mr. Wright's edition, are easily classified. There are certain works which are professedly original, and some which are professedly not so. It is certain that the finest achievement of his singular and original genius is to be found in those works which profess to be translations, or to be "taken from" other authors. It is proper, perhaps, to give some slight notice to such of his productions as pretend to be original. These are two or three scraps of poetry, one of them very beautiful, but altogether not of such striking character as to give their author a place among English poets; two prefaces, one to a collection of apothegms, and the other to an edition of Crabbe's "Tales of the Hall," which certainly would not entitle the writer to consideration among writers of English prose, bright and fine as they are; and a prose dialogue, Euphranor." No lover of good English can read this dialogue without delight. As to its contents, it is difficult to speak in a few words. The Cambridge friends begin their conversation with a dispute about chivalry, whether it was a character