Page images
PDF
EPUB

Tanquam homine et ventri indulsit non omne legumen.

Diog. Laert. viii. 19), only from certain parts of animals and some kinds of fish: according to others, from every kind of flesh (Diog. Laert. § 20, Jambl. Vit. Pyth. 85. 108 [where he speaks of it as an esoteric doctrine]: Eudox. ap. Porphyr. Vit. Pyth. 7: Ritter, Gesch. d. Phil. i. p. 367 n.). Age jam, si quis philosophus affirmet, ut ait Laberius de sententia Pythagoræ, hominem fieri ex mulo, . . . nonne consensum movebit; et fidem infiget etiam ab animalibus abstinendi? proptereaque persuasum quis hoc habeat, ne forte bubulam de aliquo proavo suo obsonet? Tertull. Apol. 480, cl. Minuc. Fel. 34. Seneca in his youth was prevailed on to abstain from animal food, and fancied that the abstinence quickened his intellect: but returned to his former diet on the ground that "alienigena tum sacra movebantur: sed inter argumenta superstitionis ponebatur quorundam animalium abstinentia," Sen. Ep. 108 § 17.

174. Verum seu pisces seu porrum et cæpe trucidas, Hor. Ep. i. 12. 21 Obbar: supr. xiv. 98: ěviol dè θᾶττον ἂν τὰς κεφαλὰς φαγεῖν φασὶ τῶν πατέρων ἢ κυάμους, Sext. Εmp. Pyrrh. Hyp. iii. 24 § 224: ▲eidol, πάνδειλοι, κυάμων ἄπο χεῖρας ἔχεσθε, Ισόν τοι κυάμους τε φαγεῖν κεφαλάς τε τοκήων (verses ascribed to Pythagoras or to Orpheus, whose school in this as in some other points agreed with the Pythagorean, Didymus in Geop. ii. 35, p. 183 ap. Lob. Aglaoph. p. 251): this prohibition is attested by Aristot. ap. Diog. Laert. viii § 34, cf. 19, Jambl. 1. 1. 61: Aristoxenus, on the other hand, states that beans were the usual food of Pythagoras (Gell. iv. 11). The same abstinence was found in Egypt (Herod. ii. 37), and in Rome it formed a part of a process of purification (Plut. Quæst. Rom. 95): cf. Cic. De Div. ii § 119, supr. iii. 229, Lucian, Gallus, 4 and 18, Vitar. Auct. 6, Dial. Mort. 20 § 3, Wyttenb. ad Plut. Mor. p. 12 E.

SATIRE XVI.

SOLDIERS enjoy an almost entire exemption from punishment (1-34), are not harassed by protracted law-suits (34-50), and hold property in their own right, while their fathers yet live (51-60).

"Ista a plerisque exploditur, et dicitur non esse Juvenalis," Schol. On the other hand it is quoted as Juvenal's by Servius and Priscian. The opinions of modern critics are collected by Heinrich; add, in favour of the genuineness of the Satire, Düntzer and W. E. Weber. That the author left his work incomplete is evident: for he does not enumerate all the communia commoda, which were but the beginning of his intended task (verse 7): the instances of special good-fortune, alluded to in verses 1-6, are not touched upon. The objections which have been taken to the language are frivolous in themselves, and easily outweighed by the excellence of vv. 4 sq., 9 sq., 24-34, &c.

Cf. Sat. i. 58, iii. 132, vii. 88, xiv. 193 sq.

QUIS numerare queat felicis præmia, Galle,
Militia? Nam si subeuntur prospera castra,
Me pavidum excipiat tironem porta secundo
Sidere plus etenim fati valet hora benigni,
Quam si nos Veneris commendet epistola Marti
Et Samia genetrix quæ delectatur arena.

[1-6. Fortune (fel. 1, prosp. 2, sec. 3, ben. 4) can shower countless prizes on the soldier; if she befriend him, he need not pray to Venus or Juno to make interest with Mars on his behalf.]

fel.] Cf. vii. 190-202, ix. 33, xii. 63 sq. Gall.] Martial often addresses a friend Gallus, perhaps the

same.

2. Nam] Felicis I say, for I could be content myself, if sure of fortune's favour, to enter the camp.

4. Sid.] vi. 569 sq., x. 314.

5

5. Hunc [Martem] tu, Diva, tuo recubantem corpore sancto Circumfusa super, suaveis ex ore loquelas Fonde petens placidam Romanis, incluta, pacem, Lucret. i. 39 sq.: cf. ib. 30-38, supr. ii. 31, x. 313.

6. Sam. &c.] Quam Juno fertur terris magis omnibus unam Posthabita coluisse Samo, Virg. Æn. i. 15, 16: supr. i. 143 n., vii. 32 n. the Heræum at Samos was μÉYLOTOS πάντων νηῶν τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν, Herod.

Commoda tractemus primum communia, quorum
Haud minimum illud erit, ne te pulsare togatus
Audeat, immo etsi pulsetur, dissimulet, nec
Audeat excussos prætori ostendere dentes
Et nigram in facie tumidis livoribus offam
Atque oculum medico nil promittente relictum.
Bardaicus judex datur hæc punire volenti
Calceus, et grandes magna ad subsellia suræ,
Legibus antiquis castrorum et more Camilli
Servato, miles ne vallum litiget extra

iii. 60 § 6. See a Samian coin in
Müller, Denkm. Heft. i. n. 8: cf.
Cic. Verr. i 50, v § 184. ar.]
Shore.

[7-34. The first privilege which is common to all ranks in the army alike they hold so fast to one another, that no civilian dares to accuse them or give evidence against them.]

8. ne] Ne is used because "subest notio impediendi vel prohibendi." Hand, Tursell. iv. 42. tog.] viii. 240, x. 8.

9. It was not uncommon for a defendant to enlist as a means of evading justice; qui litis causa militiam appetierunt, Cod. xii. 34. 1: qui eo animo militiæ se dedit, ut sub obtentu militiæ pretiosiorem se adversario faceret, Dig. xlix. 16. 4 § 8: cf. ib. xlix. 16. 16. diss.] i. e. ut diss., ut being supplied from ne, as in Sat. xiii. 36: so quisque from nemo, vi. 17, 18: ne centurio tribuno obsequatur, [ut] hinc confusi pedites equitesque in exitium ruamus, Tac. H. i. 84: Ann. xiii. 14, al. ap. Hand, Tursell. iv. 56, Madvig § 472 b.

10. Cf. iii. 300, 301. præt.] iii. 213, xiii. 4 n.

10

15

11. off] ii. 33: a bruise:"-in offam contundere, Plin. H. N. xv. 7.

12. rel.] The eye is left in the head, but the physician gives no hope that it will be restored.

13, 14. Bard.] Bardiæi (Plut. Mar. 43, cl. Lob. Aglaoph. p. 1325) or Vardai (Plin. H. N. iii. 26 [22]), a tribe inhabiting the Illyrian coast, opposite the island Pharos (Strab. vii. p. 315), gave name to a military shoe. Lassi Bardaicus quod evocati [redolet]; Mart. iv. 4. 5. "If the injured man of peace seek redress, a soldier's shoe and stout shanks sit in judgment on the high bench." Magna to support the gigantic occupant. Bard. calc. jud. cf. bubulco judice vii. 116, and Tac. Agric. 9 (credunt plerique militaribus ingeniis subtilitatem deesse, quia castrensis jurisdictio secura et obtusior, ac plura manu agens, calliditatem fori non exerceat. Agricola naturali prudentia, quamvis inter togatos, facile justeque agebat). grand.] Supr. iii. 247, xiv. 195, Pers. v. 189: torosa juventus, id. iii. 86. subs.] Infr. 44.

15, 16. Cam.] Who introduced a standing army (Liv. v. 2), before

[ocr errors]

Et procul a signis. Justissima Centurionum
Cognitio est igitur de milite, nec mihi deerit
Ultio, si justæ defertur causa querelæ.

Tota cohors tamen est inimica omnesque manipli
Consensu magno efficiunt, curabilis ut sit

Vindicta et gravior quam injuria. Dignum erit ergo
Declamatoris mulino corde Vagelli,

Quum duo crura habeas, offendere tot caligas, tot

20

Millia clavorum. Quis tam procul absit ab urbe ? 25

which time the soldiers might in winter at home prosecute their suits. Soldiers were forbidden by a rescript of Hadrian to leave the camp in order to give evidence: multo minus milites avocandi sunt a signis vel muneribus perhibendi testimonii causa, Dig. xxii. 5. 3 § 6. On the other hand Honorius and Theodosius, A. D. 416, decreed "ne quando curiales vel privatæ conditionis homines ad militare exhibeantur judicium, vel contra se agentium actiones exhibeant, vel litigare in eo cogantur," Cod. i. 46. 2.

17. Cent.] Proverbial for their ignorance: cf. v. 155, xiv. 194, Lucil. ap. Cic. Fin. i § 9, Cic. Tusc. iv § 55, Pers. iii. 77 sq., v. 189, Hor. S. i. 6. 73. "The centurions, then, will do me justice, if I have only a good cause; yet even if they do, I have to brave the wrath of the comrades of the accused, who will make me repent of having sought satisfaction."

21. cur.] Metuenda, Gesner: that is the object of grief or fear, Scheller: furchterregend, Freund. As plorabilis is nearly plorandus, so here curabilis curanda, "requiring medical

=

=

treatment," or "requiring attention." (W. E. Weber takes it as = parabilis).

22. Vind.] Probably: "that your revenge (as ultio, 19) may cost you more pain than the original wrong."

23. "The mulish rhetorician Vagellius (xiii. 119):" mule in Catull. (lxxxiii. 3) = fatue. 24. " 'Having but two legs to stumble against so many soldiers' boots and so many thousands of hob-nails." cal.] A leathern boot (Sympos. Ænigm. 56) worn by the soldiers of the ranks, whence caligatus = gregarius: Hoc dicis, cui parere caligatum lex jubet, qui non solum militibus sed centurionibus præpositus, Quintil. Decl. iii § 15: commendem tibi ordinem caligati militis, ib. § 19: Suet. Aug. 25, Vitell. 7: Caligulæ cognomen castrensi joco traxit, quia manipulario habitu inter milites versabatur, Suet. Cal. 9: Lips. ad Tac. Ann. i. 41. If caliga is to be read in Gell. xiii. 21, they were merely soles strapped on to the foot.

25. clav.] In digito clavus mihi militis hæret, iii. 248: forte caligis clavatis contereret pedes tuos, Augustin. in 1 Ep. Joh. Tract. 10 § 8:

Præterea quis tam Pylades, molem aggeris ultra
Ut veniat? Lacrimæ siccentur protinus, et se
Excusaturos non sollicitemus amicos.

"Da testem" judex quum dixerit; audeat ille,
Nescio quis, pugnos qui vidit, dicere “Vidi,”
Et credam dignum barba dignumque capillis
Majorum. Citius falsum producere testem

clavi caligares, Plin. ix. 33 (18), xxii.
46, caligarii, id. xxxiv. 41 (from
which passage it appears that they
were of iron): the sole of the caliga
was thickly studded with them: Tà
γὰρ ὑποδήματα πεπαρμένα πυκνοῖς καὶ
oğéow (cf. Plin. H. N. ix. 33, crebris
atque præacutis) ἥλοις ἔχων, ὥσπερ
τῶν ἄλλων στρατιωτῶν ἕκαστος, Jo-
seph. B. J. vi. 1 § 8: Sympos.
Enig. 57.

"Who would venture so far from the city to accuse a soldier? Besides what friend is ready, like Pylades, to devote his life for his friend?"

26. agg.] v. 153.

27. Let us dry up our tears at once, and not importune our friends, who on one pretext or another will certainly put us off, to bear us company in our hazardous enterprise.

29. If when the judge calls on the accuser to produce his witnesses, the bystander, who chanced (nescio quis) to see the blow struck, dares to say "I saw it," he may be ranked with the noblest worthies of the good old times.

30. vid.] Hoc satius, quam si dicas sub judice "Vidi" Quod non vidisti, vii. 13, 14: Cic. Verr. iv § 55, v § 165.

31. Et] Vivat Fidenis, et agello

30

cedo paterno, vi. 57: cf. i. 155 n.,
Hand, Turs. ii. 485, Sen. Ep. iv § 6.
barb.] "The more ancient Bacchus
is bearded, because all the ancients
wore the beard long," Diod. iv. 5:
"Barbers are said first to have come
into Italy from Sicily, A. U. c. 454
(B. C. 300), as is attested by public
documents at Ardea, and to have
been brought over by T. Ticinius
Mena. That formerly there were
no barbers appears from the statues
of the ancients, which for the most
part have long hair and beard,"
Varro, R. R. ii. 11 § 10: "Scipio
Africanus the younger (sequens) first
adopted the practice of daily shav-
ing," Plin. H. N. vii. 59, cl. Gell. iii.
4. Shaving the beard continued in
use till the time of Hadrian, as we
see from the coins (Becker in Pauly,
i. 1058). When the Gauls took
Rome, B. c. 390, M. Papirius "dicitur
Gallo barbam suam, ut tum omnibus
promissa erat, permulcenti, scipione
eburneo in caput incusso iram
movisse," Liv. v. 41 fin.: πwywva kal
κόμην ἔχειν ἤρεσκεν αὐτῷ, καὶ οὐκ
ἐκείνῳ μόνῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς πα
Aaloîs, &c., Lucian, Cynic. 14: Unum
aliquem te ex barbatis illis, exem-
plum imperii veteris, imaginem
antiquitatis, columen reipublicæ
diceres intueri, Cic. p. Sest. § 19
Halm: cf. id. Fin. ii § 62, supr. iv.

« PreviousContinue »