Quantum, Epicure, tibi parvis suffecit in hortis, Quantum Socratici ceperunt ante Penates. vis, Sen. iii Contr. Præf.: ut in tua potestate est, an gaudeamus, ita in quantum, nec in nostra, Plin. Pan. 73 3 maritum in quantum patitur sexus, imitetur, ib. 83 § 8: ib. 95 § 5, id. Ep. x. 75 (71) § 4, Plin. H. N. xxv. 5 (2) post med., xxx. 24 (10), Ind. in Plin. H. N. tantum, Phædr. Append. 10. 5, Rutil. It. i. 46. Hand. Turs. iii. 332. sit. &c.] Wetst. ad 1 Tim. 6. 8: add: Lex autem illa naturæ, scis quos nobis terminos statuit? Non esurire, non sitire, non algere &c., Sen. Ep. 4 § 8: An parum habet, qui tantum non alget, non esurit, non sitit? Plus Jupiter non habet &c., ib. 119 § 7: Corporis exigua desideria sunt: frigus summovere vult, alimentis famem ac sitim exstinguere quidquid extra concupiscitur, vitiis non usibus laboratur, id. Ad Helv. 9 § 9. 319. Ep.] Gloriatur [Epicurus] non toto asse se pasci: Metrodorum, qui nondum tantum profecerit, toto, Sen. Ep. 18 § 7: cf. ib. 2 § 4, 21 § 7: κοτύλῃ γοῦν . . . οἰνιδίου ἠρκοῦν· το, τὸ δὲ πᾶν ὕδωρ ἦν αὐτοῖς ποτόν, Diocles ap. Diog. Laert. x § 11 speaking of Epicurus and his friends: αὐτος τέ [ὁ Ἐπίκουρος] φησιν ἐν ταῖς Επιστολαῖς ὕδατι μόνον ἀρκεῖσθαι καὶ ἔρτῳ λιτῷ· καὶ “Πέμψον μοι τυροῦ,” φησί, “ Κυθνίου,ἵν ̓ ὅταν βούλωμαι πολυπελεύσασθαι δύνωμαι,” ib. : Τᾶς φύσιος 5 ̓ ὁ πλοῦτος ὅρον τινα βαιὸν ἐπίσχει, Epicurus is made to say by Athenæus, ib. § 12: Cic. Tusc. iii § 49. El. V. H. iv. 13 n. hort.] xiii. 123, Prop. iii. 20 (21). 26, Stat. S. i. 3. 92, Cic. N. D. i. = 320 §§ 93, 120, Leg. i § 54, Ad Att. xii. 23. c. 2, Fin. i § 65, v § 3, Virg. Cir. 2-4, Mart. vii. 69. 3; these gardens were bequeathed by Epicurus, who had bought them for 80 minæ (Diog. Laert. x § 10), to his school (1. 1. § 17), whence Apollodorus the Epicurean was named κηποτύραννος (1. 1. § 25): κηπολόγος Epicureus Phaneæ Epigr. 6 (Brunck Anal. ii. 53) Jam quidem hortorum nomine in ipsa urbe delicias agros villasque possident. Primus hoc Athenis instituit Epicurus, hortorum magister, Plin. H. N. xix. 19 (4): Quum adierint hos hortulos, et inscriptum hortulis : Hospes hic bene manebis, hic summum bonum voluptas est:" paratus erit istius domicilii custos hospitalis, humanus, et te polenta excipiet, et aquam quoque large ministrabit, et dicet: "Ecquid bene acceptus es? Non irritant," inquit, "hi hortuli famem, sed exstinguunt: nec majorem ipsis potionibus sitim faciunt, sed naturali et gratuito remedio sedant," Sen. Ep. 21 § 10. 320. On the temperance and endurance of Socrates cf. Aristoph. Nub. 120, 363, 415 sq., 718, 1171, Plat. Symp. § 42, Xen. Mem. ii. 1 (He seemed to me to urge his hearers to practise abstinence in eating, drinking, and sleep, and endurance of cold and heat &c.) : ib. i. 2 § 1, 3 § 5, 6 § 2 (where Antiphon says: "I thought that philosophers were the happiest of men; your philosophy seems to have done the very contrary of this for you, Socrates; you live as no slave would live; E E Nunquam aliud natura, aliud sapientia dicit. you eat and drink of the worst, 321. nat.] Cf. Hor. S. i, 111. sap.] Philosophy. 322. "Or if their lives too strictly thee confine, Mix somewhat of our times." Holyday. 324. iii. 154 n., Schol. ad v. 3: Pauly Real-Encycl. iii. 215: Bis septena tibi non sunt subsellia tanti, Mart. v. 27. 3. 325. "If yet thou frown'st, yet hang'st the lip, then be As rich as two knights; if thou wilt, as three," Holyday. Rem duplica. Feci : jam triplex, jam mihi quarto, Jam decies redit in rugam. Depunge, ubi sistam. Inventus, Chrysippe, tui finitor acervi, Pers. vi. 78 sq., Sen. Herc. Et. 622 sq., Chrysost. Hom. 14 in 1 Cor. p. 123 C. sq., Clem. Al. Pæd. iii. 2 § 10. 326. iii. 155 n.: 400,000 sesterces is used to denote a large sum generally i. 106, ii. 117, v. 132, xi. 19. 325 330 thy lap's not full, if spread for more," Holyday. 328. Croes.] The wealth of Croesus, king of Lydia, was proverbial. (Herod. i. 30 sq., 50, 92, Diogenian. viii. 53 Divitis audita est cui non opulentia Crosi? Ov. ex Pont. iv. 3. 37). Pers.] Dives Achæmenes, Hor. Od. ii. 12. 21: ib. iii. 9. 4. 329. Narcissus, Pallas, and Callistus, three freedmen of Claudius, amassed enormous wealth, Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 47 (10) § 134, supr. i. 109 n. Agrippina, before attempting the life of Claudius, separated him from Narcissus: for she could never have poisoned her husband, had he been near : τοιοῦτός τις φύλαξ τοῦ δεσπότου ἦν. ἐπαπώλετο δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς τῷ Κλαυδίῳ, μέγιστον τῶν τότε ἀνθρώπων δυνηθείς. μυριάδας τε γὰρ πλείους μυρίων εἶχε, καὶ προσεῖχον αὐτῷ καὶ πύλεις καὶ βασιλεῖς, Dio, lx. 34; cf. Suet. Claud. 28: this wealth was acquired partly by taking bribes (Dio, c. 16) partly by contracting for public works (c. 33). He at first acted in concert with Messalina (Suet. Claud. 37) but, A.D. 48, on her marriage with Silius (supr. x. 330 327. grem.] vii. 215. "If yet sq.) informed Claudius of the fact, Paruit imperiis uxorem occidere jussus. and when Claudius was still reluctant to give the order for her death, himself took upon him to do so (Ni cædem ejus Narcissus properavisset, verterat pernicies in accusatorem. . . . prorumpit Narcissus, denuntiatque centurionibus et tribuno, qui aderant, exsequi cædem ; ita imperatorem jubere, Tac. Ann. xi. 37: Nuntiatumque Claudio epu lanti perisse Messalinam, non distincto sua an aliena manu, nec ille quæsivit, c. 38). 331. Par.] His [Pallanti et Narcisso], ut dixi, uxoribusque addictus, non principem se, sed ministrum egit, Suet. Claud. 29: Plerique principes, quum essent civium domini, libertorum erant servi, Plin. Paneg. 88 § 1. SATIRE XV. THE Egyptians, who would deem it sacrilege to taste an onion or a leek, have in our enlightened times been guilty of barbarity which equals that of the monsters of fable (1-32). A festival at Ombi was lately interrupted by the Tentyrites: one of whom, after his party had been put to flight, was overtaken, torn in pieces, and devoured (33-92). Other nations are said to have fed on the flesh of man, but only when driven to it by famine rage and hate move the Egyptians to crimes which others only commit in the madness of despair (93-131). Man is made for society and sympathy; yet man has been known to do what brute beasts will not do, to prey upon his own kind (131–174). The poet seems to have been led to choose this subject partly by the hatred and contempt which Romans, after the battle of Actium, entertained for the Egyptians (cf. i. 26, 130, iv. 24, Prop. iii. 11, 29 sq., Ov. Met. xv. 826 sq., Virg. Æn. viii. 685 sq.), and partly by his own observation of their manners (verse 45, quantum ipse notavi). With the whole Satire compare Quintil. Decl. xii. (Pasti Cadaveris, verses 20, 102, 122, with the notes). On the Egyptian worship, cf. Exodus viii. 26, Rom. i. 23 Wetst., Euseb. Præp. Evang. iii. 2 sq., Minuc. Fel. 28, Herodot. ii. (cf. Pauly Real-Encycl. i. p. 104, 105), Diodor. i. 11-26, 83-90, Plut. de Isid. et. Osir., Strabo, xvii. p. 803, Mela, i. 9 § 7, Max. Tyr. 8 § 5, Philostr. Vit. Apoll. vi. 19, Lucian, Jup. Trag. 42. QUIS nescit, Volusi Bithynice, qualia demens [1-32. The Egyptians regard it as a sin to eat an onion or a leek, but have no abhorrence of feeding on human flesh of all the marvellous stories told by Ulysses to the Phæacians none are so strange and incredible as those of the cannibal Cyclopes and Læstrygones, but deeds of horror not less atrocious have been witnessed in Egypt, not in a fabulous antiquity, but in our own civilized days.] 1. Vol.] Who this Volusius was, and what was the origin of the word Bith., is unknown. A Bithynicus was a friend of Martial, vi. 50. 5. 2. Ægyptiorum morem quis Pars hæc, illa pavet saturam serpentibus ibin. Effigies sacri nitet aurea cercopitheci, Dimidio magicæ resonant ubi Memnone chordæ ignorat? quorum imbutæ mentes pravitatis erroribus, quamvis carnificinam prius subierint, quam ibim aut aspidem aut felem aut canem aut crocodilum violent: quorum etiamsi imprudentes quippiam fecerint, ponam nullam recusent, Cic. Tusc. v § 78. port.] Omnigenumque Deum monstra, et latrator Anubis, Virg. An. viii. 698 : Sen. ap. Aug. Civ. D. vi. 10 § 1 : ἢν δ ̓ ἐς τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἔλθῃς, τύτε δὴ ὄψει πολλὰ τὰ σεμνὰ καὶ ὡς ἀληθῶς ἄξια τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, κριοπρόσωπον μὲν τὸν Δία, κυνοπρόσωπον δὲ τὸν βέλτιστον Ἑρμῆν, καὶ τὸν Πᾶνα ὅλον τράγον, καὶ ἱβίν τινα καὶ κροκόδειλον ἕτερον καὶ πίθηκον, Lucian, De Sacr. 14, cf. 15. Croc.] Τοῖσι μὲν δὴ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἱροί εἰσι οἱ κροκόδειλοι, τοῖσι δ ̓ οὔ, ἀλλ ̓ ἅτε πολεμίους περιέπουσι. Οἱ δὲ περί τε Θήβας καὶ τὴν Μοίριος λίμνην οἰκέοντες καὶ κάρτα ἥγηνται αὐτοὺς εἶναι ἱρούς . . . οἱ δὲ περὶ Ελεφαντίνην πόλιν οἰκέοντες καὶ ἐσθίουσι αὐτούς, οὐκ ἡγεόμενοι ἱροὺς εἶναι, Herod. ii. 69. 3. pav.] Veretur. ib.] Herod. ii. 75, 76 : Ipsi qui irridentur Ægyptii nullam belluam nisi ob aliquam utilitatem, quam ex ea caperent, consecraverunt; velut ibes maximam vim serpentium conficiunt, quum sint aves excelsæ cruribus rigidis corneo proceroque rostro : avertunt pestem ab Ægypto, quum volucres angues ex vastitate Libya vento Africo invectas interficiunt atque consumunt, Cic. N. D. i. § 101: εἶδος δὲ τῆς μὲν ἴβιος τόδε μέλαινα δεινῶς πᾶσα, σκέλεα δὲ φορέει γεράνου, 5 πρόσωπον δὲ ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ἐπίγρυπον, μέγαθος ὅσον κρέξ, Herod. 1. 1. 4. cercop.] A long-tailed ape: κερκοπιθήκους τοὺς τὰς οὐρὰς ἔχοντας, Artemid. ii. 12: Mart. xiv. 202. 2. ζῶον ἀνθρωπονουστότατον, Strab. xv. p. 699, who describes the mode of capture. 5. Memnon in the Athiopis of Arctinus, one of the poems which formed the epic cycle, was described as son of Aurora and Tithonus, who was slain by Achilles before Troy, and afterwards received the gift of immortality. By the Alexandrine writers this legend was connected with the statue of the Egyptian king Amenophis (ἀλλὰ γὰρ οὐ Μέμνονα οἱ Θηβαῖοι λέγουσι, φαμενὼς δὲ εἶναι τῶν ἐγχωρίων, οὗ τοῦτο τὸ ἄγαλμα ἦν, Pausan. i. 42 § 2 : the name Amenoph can still be read on the statue). The first writer who speaks of the musical sound is Strabo, who himself heard it at dawn. He saw two colossal statues, one erect, the other broken from its pedestal by an earthquake; it was from the latter that the sound (ψόφος, ὡς ἂν πληγῆς οὐ μεγάλης) proceeded, xvii. p. 816. Upon the statue may now be traced the names of more than one hundred visitors, including Hadrian and Sabina, the earliest of which inscriptions (A.D. 64) runs: Ti. Julius Lupus, præfectus Ægypti, audii Memnonem hora prima feliciter : cf. Αἰγυπτίων ὁ κολοσσὸς ἐν Θήβαις ταῖς Αἰγυπτίαις διαβᾶσι τὸν Νεῖλον πρὸς τὰς Σύριγγας |