II. King Philip, Pontiac, and Tecumseh: discuss their plans for Indian union and compare their characters.

THE Old South Lectures for young people, for the summer of 1890, will be, as stated above, upon The American Indians, the several subjects being as follows: The Mound Builders; The Indians whom our Fathers Found; John Eliot and his Indian Bible; King Philip's War; The Conspiracy of Pontiac; A Century of Dishonor; Among the Zunis; The Indian at School.

The course will begin on Wednesday afternoon, July 30. These Old South Lectures are entirely free to the young people, tickets being sent by post to all applying in their own handwriting. It is the purpose of the Directors of the Old South Studies to follow the present year's course upon the Indians with a course next summer upon the New Birth of the World in the Fifteenth Century, thus preparing the young people well for the study in 1892, when they will be joining in the celebration of the fourth centennial, of the great time of Columbus and the discovery of America.

ONE of the most important movements for the promotion of patriotism and good citizenship which has come to our knowledge is that which has recently resulted in the establishment in Chicago of "The American Society of Patriotic Knowledge," with Mr. Charles L. Hutchinson as its president, and a score of strong men as vice-presidents, and with a bright and energetic illustrated magazine bearing the title of Home, School, and Nation as its organ, chiefly for influencing the young people in the schools. Rev. Samuel Fallows and Martin L. Williston are the editors of this new magazine; and Dr. Fallows is the real author of the movement.

"On December 25, 1889," we read in the Society's circular, "at the suggestion of Bishop Fallows, an informal meeting was held in Chicago to consider the question of organization, and on February 7, 1890, at a meeting in the same city, at which a number of patriotic citizens were represented, the formal organization was completed. The Union League Club of Chicago, in the magnificent work done by them in arousing the spirit of patriotism among the children and citizens of Chicago and the Northwest on April 30, 1889 the centennial of the inauguration of President Washington - and the Old South movement in Boston, so successfully carried on for the past few years, gave inspiration to the leaders of this movement and definiteness to their plans."

The objects of this Chicago society, as stated in its constitution, are to promote patriotism among the children and youth of our schools and country and to prepare them for the duties and responsibilities of good American citizenship, by reaching them with healthful and helpful American literature, by lectures by the foremost thinkers of the country, by conferences and conventions, and by the formation of Young American historical leagues.

Among those who are deeply interested in the movement is Professor David Swing, who recently made it the subject of one of his sermons, in the course of which he spoke as follows: "Wisdom appears in that effort, new, but strong, to lead the young and all the public to group into memory and cherish these great names and events which caused this nation to come, and stay, and advance. If the book of remembrance is the best library of each average mind in this country, it should have great pages all written over with the names and principles, the events, the struggles, out of which issued slowly the Republic which now has no superior among the states upon our globe. If 'not to know history is to be always a child,' not to know American history is to be a poor weak patriot; to have a clear vision of the men and the ideas which made and won the conflicts of 1776 and 1861 is to pass away from childhood and to possess an inner power. When public men have in late years seen a new generation rising up in ignorance of the Nation's past, they have felt grieved over the picture and over that apathy which must come from a generation which simply makes money in the Republic and is ignorant of its origin and meaning. To meet this evil before it has wrought ruin, these men are rewriting history; they are making the birthdays of Washington and Lincoln days of thought; they are asking eloquence, literature, and song to come and color the living heart. What quickened this love of country and made a general awakening desirable was in part the immigration of criminals and anarchists from the Old World. They came in the double cloud of both ignorance and indifference; they thought North America in this century was the same arena of plunder that South America was in the times of the robber Pizarro. They came seeking spoils. They were finding numerous followers among the millions as ignorant as themselves. In order to save the land from being overrun with the wildfire of anarchy, it has been necessary to ordain, not a revival of religion, but something akin — a revival of Americanism. In the school-house, where the wave of young life flows, in the magazine, in the newspaper, in all the club-rooms of higher character, and in the church itself, should be seen a revival of the truths and sentiments of the great past."

It is a pleasure to note the advent of a society with such pedigree and principles as these and with such an energetic life as that revealed by the six numbers of Home, School, and Nation which have come to our table. It is a pleasure for the New Englander to know that the movement owes its impulse and inspiration to the Old South movement in Boston. It takes into itself the "Old South work already so successfully and intelligently established in Chicago through the efforts of Mr. Belfield; and with its varied instrumentalities and the large number of able men whom it has already enlisted in its service, it should do a work for the promotion of the study of history and for good politics in Chicago and the West of exceedingly high importance.

NEW SERIES.

VOL. II. No. 6.

TH

HE gathering of a mighty host of veterans of the late war is a fitting occasion to revert to the rise and growth of that great organization, with a membership comprising nearly half a million of the men who, on land or sea, were of the nation's defenders from 1861 to 1865 - the Grand Army of the Republic, the one veteran organization opening its doors to the soldiers of every army and the sailors from every battle-ship, including on equal terms the officer who wore the stars and the private whose only badge of distinction was that he carried a musket in the ranks and wore the blue of the Union. Do any "reason why"? The organization itself affords the best reply. No such membership could have been gathered and knit together, growing alike in numbers and unity of heart and purpose with the years, unless its principles and purposes were worthy the approval of patriotic men. With its simple yet comprehensive watchwords of "Fraternity, Charity, Loyalty," it has successfully sought to form a brotherhood of loyal men, to cement the comradeship born of battle, to care for the widow, the orphan, and the disabled, to treasure the story of the uprising, the combat, and the victory, and to inculcate lessons of loyalty.

A short time before the proceedings incident to the last Memorial Day, a veteran of the war against rebellion chanced to meet a friend, an intelligent young business man of thirty-eight years of age. Speaking of the coming ceremonies, the young man remarked that he was to a large degree ignorant as to the events of Copyright, 1890, by New England Magazine

the late war; he was but seven years of age when the contest began and eleven at its conclusion, too young to remember much as to its cause or character; during his school days the histories, of course, had little or no information concerning the great struggle then just ended, and while through his studies he became familiar with the wars of other times and peoples, and with the story of our own Revolutionary and Mexican wars, he must regretfully confess practical ignorance as to the later and larger combat. Just here the Grand Army of the Republic has had a mission. By the force of its numbers, its public gatherings, its camp fires, and more especially through the tender services of Memorial Day, it has awakened the interest of the people, particularly of the generation growing to manhood and womanhood, enlarged their channels of information and stimulated loyal sentiment.

With the lapse of but a quarter of a century it appears singular, and yet considering the haziness surrounding the history of even important events of the war it is not so strange, that the story of the early days of the Grand Army of the Republic is clouded in doubt, and no little of the detail has been lost. Certain it is that before their term of service was ended, the warmth of association therein led the veterans to consider the question of continuing the comradeship, and at least two organizations, which have continued since, were formed, —the Third Corps Union and the Society of the Army of the Tennessee. Quite generally, also, among the Union prisoners in the South secret bands were Company, Boston. All rights reserved.

formed for mutual protection and for aiding escape. Some of these had signs and passwords and a form of initiation, and it is not unlikely that herein was the germ of the original ritual and muster-in service of the early Grand Army. There is no com

peace there came the presence of disabled veterans, suffering families, and distressed homes. The aid to these came cheerfully, but without organization, and the frequency of the calls speedily awakened the sense that something in the line of systematized effort was not only desirable but imperative. All over the North sprang up veteran associations with varying plans, although generally united in a common purpose of rendering assistance to those in need, who had dared the danger and shared the conflict.

The country was agitated over the questions of reconstruction; the conciliatory feeling so general at the immediate time of the close of the war had been sadly smitten by the assassination of President Lincoln, and political parties were torn by the disruption between President Johnson and his party. Fresh from their efforts and sacrifices to maintain the Union, the veterans quite naturally entered warmly into consideration of the questions affecting the nation's future, and purely political clubs under the name of the "Boys in Blue" and kindred designations were formed all over the North. In the midst of this strife and bitterness, though not as a part of it, the Grand Army of the Republic had its birth. Little wonder that it was associated in the minds of the public with somewhat kindred associations where politics dominated, or that in some locations the members found it difficult to absolutely discriminate between their duties as members of the organization and their rights and privileges as citizens of the

General S. A. Hurlbut,

radeship quite like that born of danger, awakened by common peril, strengthened by toil and privation, knit by the touch of elbow in the weary march or the dash of battle. True, when the great army came joyously home, its standards torn and begrimed, yet resplendent with victory, the veterans put aside their well-worn suits of blue, bade good by to army associations, and took up anew the peaceful avocations they had laid down four years before, with little thought or purpose of further association as comrades of the flag. But into the earliest hour of well-won