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Anno Dom: 1629.

M

R. ALLERTON safly ariveing in England, and deliv

ering his leters to their freinds their, and aquainting

them with his instructions, found good acceptation with them, and they were very forward and willing to joyne with them in the partnership of trade, and in the charge to send over the Leyden people; a company wherof were allready come out of Holand, and prepared to come over, and so were sent away before Mr. Allerton could be ready to come. They had passage with the ships that came to Salem, that brought over many godly persons to begine the plantations and churches of Christ ther, and in the Bay of the Massachussets ;

· The Company of the Massachusetts Bay sent out this year five ships, the Talbot, the George, the Lyon's Whelp, the Four Sisters and the Mayflower. This represented the most extensive sending of planters, provisions, cattle and munitions yet undertaken. One of the passengers on the Talbot, Rev. Fran. Higginson, wrote an account of the ships and voyage, which will be found in the Hutchinson Papers, *32. He also prepared an account of New England which was printed in England in three distinct editions in 1630, with the title New-England's Plantation.

Smith was enthusiastic on this voyage, wishing to “doe all men right so neere as I can in these new beginnings, which hereafter perhaps may bee in better request than a forest of nine dayes pamphlets. In the yeare 1629, about March, six good ships are gone with 350. men, women, and children, people possessing themselves of good ranke, zeale, meanes and quality: also 150. head of cattell, as horse, mares, and neat beasts; 41 goats, some conies, with all provision for houshold and apparell; six peeces of great Ordnance for a Fort, with Muskets, Pikes, Corslets, Drums and Colours, with all provisions necessary for the good of man.” They arrived "for the most part exceeding well, their cattell and all things else prospering exceedingly, farre beyond their expectation.”

Writing in 1631, he compared the Salem settlers favorably to those of Virginia. "By this you may perceive somewhat, what unexpected inconveniences are incident to a plantation, especially in such a multitude of voluntary contributers, superfluity of officers, and unexperienced Commissioners. But it is not so, as yet, with those for New-England; for they will neither beleeve nor use such officers, in that they are

so their long stay and keeping back (164) was recompensed by the Lord to ther freinds here with a duble blessing, in that they not only injoyed them now beyond ther late expectation, (when all their hopes seemed to be cutt of,) but, with them, many more godly freinds and Christian breethren, as the begining of a larger harvest unto the Lord, in the increase of his churches and people in these parts, to the admiration of many, and allmost wonder of the world; that of so small beginings so great things should insue, as time after manifested; and that here should be a resting place for so many of the Lords people, when so sharp a scourge came upon

their owne nation. But it was the Lords doing, and it ought to be marvellous in our eyes.?

overseers of their owne estates, and so well bred in labour and good husbandry as any in England.Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters, *8, 24.

John White says that the good reports of the country sent by Endecott“gave such encouragement to the worke, that more Aduenturers joyning with the first Vndertakers, and all engaging themselues more deepely for the prosecution of the Designe; they sent over the next yeare (1629) about three hundred persons more, most seruants with a conuenient proportion of rother Beasts, to the number of sixty or seventy or there about and some Mares and Horses, of which the Kine came safe for the most part; but the greater part of the Horses dyed, so that there remained not above twelue or fourteen alive.” The Planters Plea, *76.

* In July, 1628, the King made some ecclesiastical promotions, of which the most far-reaching in consequences was the appointment of Laud to the See of London. This appointment, and those which followed, were indicative of a policy in pursuance of which Puritan influences were to be excluded from the established church. Before the end of the year the new Bishop had induced the King to issue a declaration, to be prefixed to the articles printed in a new edition of the prayer-book, making them the standard of faith and prohibiting controversial preaching. Though opposed by Parliament, the dissolution of that body in March, 1629, and the fact of no new Parliament being called for eleven years, gave Laud full control of the situation. Outward conformity must be enforced as the only way to unity of spirit, and this policy he pursued relentlessly, becoming as Bradford says, a "scourge” to the nonconformists of every description.

? While in England Allerton produced an effect upon the friends of the Winthrop migration which may not have been intended. His words gave the impression that the Bay was not so well situated for settlement as other parts of the country, and for example, as Hudson River. Humfrey wrote to Winthrop, December 12, 1630, suggest

But I shall hear inserte some of their freinds letters, which doe best expresse their owne minds in these thir proceedings.

A leter of Mr. Sherleys to the Governo]r.

May 25, 1629. Sir: etc. Here are many of your and our freinds from Leyden coming over, who, though for the most parte be but a weak company, yet herein, is a good parte of that end obtained which was aimed at, and which hath been so strongly opposed by some of our former adventurers. But God hath his working in these things, which man cannot frustrate. With them we have allso sent some servants in the ship called the Talbut, that wente hence lately; but these come in the Mayflower. Mr. Beachamp and my selfe, with Mr. Andrews and Mr. Hatherly, are, with your love and liking, joyned partners with you, &c. Your deputation we have received, and the goods have been taken up and sould by your freind and agente, Mr. Allerton, my selfe having bine nere.3. months in Holland, at Amsterdam and other parts in the Low-Countries.? I see further the agreemente you have made with the generallitie, in which I cannot understand but you have done very well, both for them and you, and also for your freinds at Leyden. Mr. Beachamp, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Hatherley,' and my selfe, doe so like and ing a removal to a more southern part, and cited Allerton on the Hudson, “which Mr. Allerton affirmes meetes with Canada"; and Downing, writing four days earlier, advanced some of the same arguments for removal, and added: “If yt be trew that Mr. Allerton reports of Hudson's river, there is noe place comparable to yt for a plantacon, and t'will quitt cost for you to remove thither, though all be lost in the place where you are, for he sayth that Hudsons river goes into Canada and those 2 make New England an Iland, if this be trew yts like they meet in the great lake (Iroquois), and soe may Merrymack.” 4 Mass. Hist. Collections, vi. 8, 38. Allerton held close communication with some deeply interested in the Bay plantation, and knew what had been done towards the settlement of Massachusetts Bay.

1629, May 25. The first letter concerning the former company of Leyden people. PRINCE in Bradford ms. · At this point there is a heavy bracket ( inserted, and, in the margin, the word “letter.” They probably mark the division between the two letters as indicated by the two notes of Prince.

: It is difficult, if not impossible, to unravel the innermost history of the commercial

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approve of it, as we are will[ing] to joyne with you, and, God directing and inabling us, will be assisting and helpfull to you, the best that possiblie we can. Nay, had you not taken this course, I doe not see how you should accomplish the end you first aimed at, and some others indevoured these years past. We know it must keep us from the profite, which otherwise by the blessing of God and your indea[v]ours, might be gained; for most of those that came in may, and these now sente, though I hope honest and good people, yet not like to be helpfull to raise profite, but rather, ney, certaine must, some while, be chargable to you and us; at which it is lickly, had not this wise and discreete course been taken, many of your generalitie would have grudged.” Againe, you

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experience of the Plantation. Timothy Hatherley appears for the first time as an important factor, one of four partners who enter into the trading project of the undertakers. He was one of the London Company, but was not one of the five members appointed in November, 1626, to receive the payments from New Plymouth under the agreement then made (p. 5, supra). He had come to New Plymouth in the Anne, but, discouraged by some losses in the burning of the houses in 1623 (vol. 1. p. 333), he went back to England. In June, 1632, he arrived at Boston, in the Charles, but came again to New Plymouth. Although described as a merchant of London, he came from Barnstable, in Devonshire, where there is a parish of his name. As he did not become a freeman until 1637, his name is not found in the tax lists of earlier years. That Hatherley was a man of some substance, his subsequent career proved. A probable explanation of his partnership with Sherley, Beauchamp and Andrews is to be found in that Hatherley had been in the country, and was thus somewhat familiar with the conditions prevailing, though he was at New Plymouth at a time of distress. After his return, he could act as the immediate agent of the partners, which he seems to have been.

1 Allerton so conducted himself in his dealings with the Leyden people as to awaken distrust. Sherley, who was associated with him, sought to smooth over the difficulty: “Here are many of your Leyden people now come over, and though I have ever had good thoughts of them, yet believe not every one, what they shall report of Mr. Allerton; he hath been a truly honest friend to you all, either there or here: And if any do (as I know some of them are apt to speak ill of him) believe them not. Indeed they have been unreasonably chargeable, yet grudge and are not contended: Verily their indiscreet carriage here hath so abated my affection towards them, as were Mrs. Robinson well over, I would not disburse one penny for the rest.” Even Bradford could not wholly excuse the new-comers from blame: "This offence was given by some of them, which redounded to the prejudice of the whole; and indeed our friends which sent this latter company were to blame; for they now sent all the weak

say well in your letter, and I make no doubte but you will performe it, that now being but a few, on whom the burthen must be, you will both menage it the beter, and sett too it more cherfully, haveing no discontents nor contradiction, but so lovingly to joyne togeither, in affection and counsell, as God no doubte will blesse and prosper your honest labours and indeavors. And therfore in all respects I doe not see but you have done marvelously discreetly, and advisedly, and no doubt but it gives all parties good contente; I mean that are reasonable and honest men, shuch as make conscience of giving the best satisfaction they be able for their debts, and that regard not their owne perticuler so much as the accomplishing of that good end for which this bussines was first intended, etc. Thus desiring the Lord to blese and prosper you, and all yours, and all our honest endeavors, I rest

Your unfained and ever loving freind,

JAMES SHERLEY. London]: March 8. 1629 [30]."

est and poorest, without any of note and better discretion and government amongst them, contrary to our minds and advice; for they thought, if these were got over, the other might come when they would; but partly this distaste, but especially the great charge, which both these companies came to, coming so near together, put a bar in the way: for though this company were the fewer in number, yet their charge came to an 100 li. more. And notwithstanding this indiscretion, yet they were such as feared God, and were to us both welcome and useful, for the most part.Letter Book, 69.

1 1629–30, March 8th, the second letter concerning the latter company of Leyden people. — Prince in Bradford Ms.

The letter is printed in full in Bradford's Letter Book. “Mrs. Robinson (Bridget White), the widow of the Rev. John Robinson, undoubtedly came over with this latter company of Leyden people, with her son Isaac, and perhaps with another son. Prince says, 'Isaac came over to Plymouth Colony, lived to above ninety years of age, a venerable man, whom I have often seen, and has left male posterity in the County of Barnstable.' He was at Scituate in 1636, and in 1639 removed to Barnstable. Prince, I. 160; Deane, Scituate, 332. (He was at Duxbury before he was at Scituate. Winsor, Duxbury, 297.]” Deane. The Leyden census of 1622 named as children of John Robinson, Isaac, Mercy, Fear and James. The tradition which gives him a son named Abraham must be rejected, no reasonable evidence in its support having come to light. A daughter, Bridget, married at Leyden, John Greenwood from London. Dexter, The England and Holland of the Pilgrims, 616. Savage (Dic

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