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charged and allmost halfe fild with powder and shote, as was after found) had thought to have shot Captaine Standish; but he stept to him, and put by his peece, and tooke him. Neither was ther any hurte done to any of either side, save that one was so drunke that he rane his owne nose upon the pointe of a sword that one held before him as he entred the house; but he lost but a litle of his hott blood. Morton they brought away to Plimoth,' wher he was kepte, till a ship went from the Ile of Shols for England, with which he was sente to the Counsell of New-England; and letters writen to give them information of his course and cariage; and also one was sent at their commone charge to informe their Ho[no]rs more perticulerly, and to prosecute against him. But he foold of the messenger, after he was gone from hence, and though he wente for England, yet nothing was done to him, not so much as rebukte, for ought was heard; but returned the nexte year. Some of the worst of the company were disperst, and some

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1 Standish, according to Morton, threatened him with his pistol, but carried him to Plymouth, and after determining what should be done, sent him to an island "in the northern parts," and "without gunne, powther, or shot or dogge or so much as a knife to get any thinge to feede upon, or any other cloathes to shelter him with at winter then a thinne suite which hee had one at that time." He remained there a month, supplied with liquor by the Indians, until a fishing vessel from Plymouth took him and Oldham to that port. New English Canaan (Prince Society), 289, 296.

• Morton states that when he was brought to the ships to be sent away "no man durst be so foolhardy as to undertake to carry him."

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• These letters are printed in Bradford's Letter Book, 62.

'John Oldham.

' Morton's own account of the business represents Oldham as making his best endeavors to secure an instrument against him, inquiring in London for a skillful man who could accomplish the feat, and sparing no expense to accomplish his purpose, but without avail. "Noe man being able to taxe him of any thinge," Morton was released. It was more essential to Oldham that he should stand well with Sir Ferdinando Gorges, than labor to secure the doubtful imprisonment of such a man as Morton. Allerton may have found Morton useful in the negotiations with the London company or with the Company of the Massachusetts Bay, for he permitted Morton to return with him, to the great scandal of the community.

Adams, in the introduction to Morton (p. 31), calls attention to the fact that Mor

of the more modest kepte the house till he should be heard from. But I have been too long aboute so unworthy a person, and bad a cause.1

This year Mr. Allerton brought over a yonge man for a minister to the people hear, wheather upon his owne head, or at the motion of some freinds ther, I well know not, but it was without the churches sending; for they had bene so bitten by Mr. Lyford, as they desired to know the person well whom they should invite amongst them. His name was Mr. Rogers; but they perceived, upon some triall, that he was crased in his braine; so they were faine to be at further charge to send him back againe the nexte year, and loose all the charge that was expended in his hither bringing, which was not smalle by Mr. Allerton's accounte, in provissions, aparell, bedding, etc. After his returne he grue quite distracted, and Mr. Allerton was much blamed that he would bring shuch a man over, they having charge enough otherwise.

Mr. Allerton, in the years before, had brought over some small

ton's vessel in its passage to England must have passed the ship bearing Endecott and his party, with a grant or patent that covered Mount Wollaston. He suggests that the suppression of the Merry Mount circle may have been determined upon by the Company in England.

1 Bradford in his Letter Book says the proceedings against Morton "cost us a great deal more, and yet to little effect, as the event showeth." Commenting upon this Adams says: "This, however, was not so. On the contrary, it is not often that an act of government repression produces effects equally decisive. The nuisance was abated and the danger dispelled; the fact that there was a power on the coast, ready to assert itself in the work of maintaining order, was established and had to be recognized; and, finally, a wholly unscrupulous competitor was driven out of trade. These results were well worth all that Morton's arrest cost, and much more." Introduction to New English Canaan (Prince Society), 37.

2 "To so much paid for Mr. Rogers' passage, 205. his diet 11 weeks at 45. 8d.

3. II. 4 "Paid for Constant Sother's passage, 205. and diet 11 weeks at 45. 8d. 3. 11. 4" The two items are taken from Sherley's accounts in 3 Mass. Hist. Collections, 1. 199. No other mention of Souther is found until the list of freemen of 1637, where it is given Constance Southerne.

quan[ti]tie of goods, upon his owne perticuler, and sould them for his owne private benefite; which was more then any man had yet hithertoo attempted. But because he had other wise done them good service, and also he sould them among the people at the plantation, by which their wants were supplied, and he aledged it was the [163] love of Mr. Sherley and some other freinds that would needs trust him with some goods, conceiveing it might doe him some good, and none hurte, it was not much lookt at, but past over. But this year he brought over a greater quantitie, and they were so intermixte with the goods of the generall, as they knew not which were theirs, and which was his, being pact up together; so as they well saw that, if any casualty had beefalne at sea, he might have laid the whole on them, if he would; for ther was no distinction. Allso what was most vendible, and would yeeld presente pay, usualy that was his; and he now begane allso to sell abroad to others of forine places, which, considering their commone course, they began to dislike. Yet because love thinkes no evill, nor is susspitious, they tooke his faire words for excuse, and resolved to send him againe this year for England; considering how well he had done the former bussines, and what good acceptation he had with their freinds ther; as also seeing sundry of their freinds from Leyden were sente for, which would or might be much furthered by his means. Againe, seeing the patente for Kenebeck must be inlarged, by reason of the former mistakes in the bounding of it, and it was conceived, in a maner, the same charge would serve to inlarge this at home with it, and he that had begane the former the last year would be the fittest to effecte this; so they gave him instructions and sente him for England this year againe. And in his instructions bound him to bring over no goods on their accounte, but 50 li. in hose and shoes, and some linen cloth, (as they were bound by covenante when they tooke the trade;) also some trading goods to shuch a value; and in no case to exseed his instructions, nor rune them into any further charge; he well knowing how their state stood. Also that he should

so provide that their trading goods came over betimes, and what so ever was sent on their accounte should be pact up by it selfe, marked with their marke, and no other goods to be mixed with theirs. For so he prayed them to give him shuch instructions as they saw good, and he would folow them, to prevente any jellocie or farther offence, upon the former forementioned dislikes. And thus they conceived they had well provided for all things.1

1 "New Plymouth lies in a large bay to the north of Cape Cod or Mallabaer, east and west from the said [north] point of the cape, which can be easily seen in clear weather. Directly before the commenced town lies a sand bank, about twenty places [paces?] broad, whereon the sea breaks violently with an easterly and north-easterly wind. On the north side there lies a small island [Clark's] where one must run close along, in order to come before the town; then the ships run behind that bank and lie in a very good road-stead. . . . New Plymouth lies on the slope of a hill stretching east towards the sea-coast, with a broad street about a cannon shot of 800 [paces] long, leading down the hill; with a street crossing in the middle, northwards to the , rivulet and southwards to the land. The houses are constructed of hewn planks, with gardens also enclosed behind and at the sides with hewn planks, so that their houses and court yards are arranged in very good order, with a stockade against a sudden attack; and at the ends of the streets there are three wooden gates. In the centre on the cross street, stands the Governor's house, before which is a square enclosure upon which four pedereros [a piece of ordnance] are mounted, so as to flank along the streets. Upon the hill they have a large square house, with a flat roof, made of thick sawn plank, stayed with oak beams, upon the top of which they have six cannons, which shoot iron balls of four and five pounds, and command the surrounding country. The lower part they use for their church, where they preach on Sundays, and the usual holidays. They assemble by beat of drum, each with his musket or firelock, in front of the captain's door; they have their cloaks on, and place themselves in order, three abreast, and are led by a sergeant without beat of drum. Behind comes the Governor, in a long robe; beside him, on the right hand, comes the preacher with his cloak on, and on the left hand the captain with his side arms, and cloak on, and with a small cane in his hand. And so they march in good order, and each sets his arms down near him. Thus they are constantly on their guard night and day.

"Their government is after the English form. The Governor has his Council, which is chosen every year by the entire community, by election or prolongation of term. In inheritances they place all the children in one degree, only the eldest son has an acknowledgment for his seniority of birth. They have made stringent laws and ordinances upon the subject of fornication and adultery, which laws they maintain and enforce very strictly indeed, even among the tribes which live amongst them.

They speak very angrily when they hear from the savages that we should live so barbarously in these respects, and without punishment. Their farms are not so good as ours, because they are more stony, and consequently not so suitable for the plough. They apportion the land according as each has means to contribute to the Eighteen Thousand Guilders which they have promised to those who had sent them out; whereby they have their freedom without rendering an account to any one; only if the King should choose to send a Governor General they would be obliged to acknowledge him as sovereign chief. The maize seed which they do not require for their own use is delivered over to the Governor, at three guilders the bushel, who in his turn sends it in sloops to the north for the trade in skins among the savages; they reckon one bushel of maize against one pound of beaver's skin; in the first place, a division is made, according to what each has contributed, and they are credited for the amount in the account of what each has to contribute yearly towards the reduction of his obligation. Then with the remainder they purchase what next they require, and which the Governor takes care to provide every year. They have better means of living than ourselves, because they have the fish so abundant before their doors. There are also many birds, such as geese, herons, and cranes, and other small-legged birds, which are in great abundance there in the winter.

"The tribes in their neighborhood have all the same customs as already above described, only they are better conducted than ours, because the English give them the example of better ordinances and a better life; and who also, to a certain degree, give them laws, by means of the respect they from the very first have established amongst them." Rasiere, New York Hist. Soc. Coll., 2 Ser., II. 351.

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